-Caveat Lector-

http://www.csmonitor.com/2002/1112/p01s02-wome.html

from the November 12, 2002 edition

The intrigue behind the drone strike

Yemeni official says US lacks discretion as antiterror partner.

By Philip Smucker | Special to The Christian Science Monitor

SANA, YEMEN – In an assassination plot that has the ring of a Graham
Greene spy thriller, the US ambassador to Yemen made several arduous
journeys into the heart of the ancient Kingdom of Sheba to help gather the
goods on what one US official called the "godfather of terror" in Yemen.
Along with a small army of security guards and CIA officials, Ambassador
Edmund Hull, a short, stone-faced man, braved desert wastelands to meet
with the fierce Arab tribesmen who often harbor Osama bin Laden's
terrorist cells.

Senior Yemeni officials and tribal sources say that the ambassador, who is
one of Washington's top counterterrorism experts, set up last week's
successful Predator Hellfire strike. US officials, they say, paid local
tribesmen for information that helped locate Qaed Salim Sinan al-Harethi,
whom US officials suspected of plotting the strike on the USS Colein
October 2000.

The attack fits Washington's new vision of preemptive strikes on
terrorists, but it infuriated Yemeni officials.

They are angry over the way the US ambassador handled both the
intelligence-gathering phase of the operation and after the fact, when
senior US officials, including Assistant Secretary of Defense, Paul
Wolfowitz, violated a secrecy agreement by taking credit for the Hellfire
strike.

"This is why is it so difficult to make deals with the United States,"
says Brig. Gen. Yahya M. Al Mutawakel, the deputy secretary general for
the ruling People's Congress party in Yemen, who broke his country's
official silence on the issue in an exclusive interview. "This is why we
are reluctant to work closely with them. They don't consider the internal
circumstances in Yemen. In security matters, you don't want to alert the
enemy."

Ambassador Hull, who has two decades of State Department experience spent
commuting between the Middle East and Washington, refused to comment on
the Hellfire strike or his own role in an attack that other American
officials have characterized as a major ground-breaking success in
Washington's global war on terror.

Last week's dead included al-Harethi and, while all of the five other
victims have yet to be identified, one is believed to be Kemal Darwish.
Mr. Darwish, a US-born Saudi, is suspected of being the recruiter of a
terror support cell that's been rounded up in Buffalo, N.Y.

The attack, say Yemeni officials, was not a surprise to the government of
President Ali Abdullah Saleh.

Ambassador Hull and his fellow operatives had carefully explained to the
Yemeni government that the US had the option, itself, of going after the
Al Qaeda figures suspected of planning the attack which killed 17 US
sailors on the USS Cole. If the Yemeni government chose not to, the US
government indicated that it was prepared to take matters into its own
hands, say both Western and Yemeni officials.

But Yemeni officials did not like what they call the "freelancing" in the
countryside of the Arabic-speaking US ambassador. "We are not happy with
the dealings with the tribesmen," says General Mutawakel, who displays
little obvious emotion as he vents his views in his own posh sitting room.
"There were 'diplomatic journeys' out to the region, there were
discussions, and money changed hands. We knew that if we agree or
disagreed, they would do it anyway, but we are not happy at all with how
it has been dealt with."

But the US military had been passing the Yemenis its own intelligence on
Al Qaeda activities for months. In a botched raid on al-Harethi and
several other Al Qaeda fighters last December, Yemen's military lost 18 of
its own soldiers. Western diplomats had been concerned that Yemen would be
reluctant to strike again on its own.

Despite the criticism of the US approach, President Ali Saleh's own
internal political critics argued that he was reluctant to strike because
he still owes a "blood debt" to Osama bin Laden's own fighters for openly
assisting him to put down a separatist movement in the south in 1994.

Other official sources said that Yemeni special forces, led by the
president's son, Ahmed Abdullah Saleh, did not attack al-Harethi again due
to their ongoing training with US Green Berets, and the time it is taking
them to sharpen their skills.

In either case, US officials, increasingly impatient with the Sana's slow
moves to reign in terrorists, said they could not accept any more excuses,
say Western sources here. Predator drones, based in nearby Djibouti, were
transmitting real-time video images from the Yemeni hinterland.

While Yemeni officials knew that the US military had helicopters on ships
in the Red Sea and could inject a "snatch and kill" squad of commandos
into the country within a matter of hours, they said such an operation
could ignite a guerrilla war, the sources added.

Then came Ambassador Hull's intelligence coup. Yemeni tribesmen are
notorious for not being able to keep a secret and with their palms crossed
with silver, they just could not resist telling the Americans what they
knew about al Harethi, say sources. As they chewed on narcotic khat
leaves, and filled their silver spittoons, the tribesmen also spit out the
details on al-Harethi's new haunts.

Counter-intelligence officials say that global positioning coordinates
given by a phone held by al-Harethi may also have helped seal his fate.
But even that intelligence could be fleeting, so US officials knew they
had to act swiftly. They waited until al-Harethi was in a car and clear of
home and any civilian neighbors.

"They [the Americans] didn't hit a wedding party, hit their own people, or
kill a large number of civilians," says one Western diplomat based on the
Arabian Peninsula. "In that respect the US Hellfire strike was good, clean
and clinical."

That precision has not, however, muted the anger of senior Yemeni
officials like Mutawakel, who worry about domestic unrest if their
government is seen as being too closely allied with the US. "We wanted a
great degree of independence for our own armed forces. We tried to make it
clear that we did not want the Americans to do it themselves. They are
just here to get their enemies and get out."

• Staff writer Faye Bowers contributed to this report from Washington.

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