-Caveat Lector-

Iraqi Oil, American Bonanza?
In a Post-War Iraq, U.S. Companies Could be Major Players

By John W. Schoen
MSNBC

November 11, 2002

The most visible dogfight over Iraq's future is playing out in diplomatic
circles, as the U.S. tries to convince its skeptical allies that a "regime
change" is imperative and military action inevitable. But another high-
stakes, much less visible struggle is also quietly taking shape. Once U.N.
economic sanctions on Iraq are lifted, who will develop - and control -
Iraq's vast oil reserves?

Since U.N. sanctions choked off the flow of Iraqi oil a decade ago, Baghdad's
role in world energy markets has been severely curtailed. Iraq's oil output
is so low that many analysts believe that even a complete shut-off of Iraqi
supplies would easily be made up by other oil producing countries. In fact,
they may already have. Led by Saudi Arabia, the Organization of Petroleum
Exporting Countries quietly boosted production in September, raising output
some 10 percent above official quotas, according to the latest figures from
the International Energy Agency.

But Iraq's vast oil reserves remain a powerful prize for global oil
companies. Iraq is sitting on an estimated 112 billion barrels of crude, a
pool of oil second in size only to Saudi Arabia's 264 billion barrels. (By
way of comparison, proven U.S. reserves total about 22 billion barrels; the
U.S. Strategic Petroleum Reserve holds about 600 million barrels.)

Development of those Iraqi reserves will be no small project. After years of
decay, Iraq's oil infrastructure will require years of work and billions of
dollars in investment, according to Nathaniel Kern, a Middle East analyst at
Foreign Reports, Inc. in Washington.

"It's in terrible shape," he said. "The pipelines are leaking lakes (of oil),
refineries are dumping toxic waste. It is a broken down industry."

POTENTIAL WINDFALL

Such a massive rebuilding effort represents a huge opportunity for the
companies chosen to tackle it. As the Bush administration has been working to
rally support among its allies for a military strike, Saddam Hussein has been
using the promise of lucrative oil contracts to weaken that U.S. effort and
boost opposition to tougher U.N. resolutions.

Some major deals are already in place. In 1997, Russia's LUKOIL signed
contracts to develop Iraq's West Qurna oil field. The same year, the China
National Petroleum Corporation bought a 50 percent stake in the al-Ahdab oil
field. (Both have been barred from developing those reserves by U.N.
sanctions.) More recently, France's TotalFinaElf has reportedly negotiated
agreements to develop the much larger Majnoon field, but has not yet signed
firm contracts to do so.

Over the years, those deals complicated U.S. efforts to win support for tough
action against Baghdad in the U.N. Security Council, where France, Russia and
China are permanent members.

WAITING THEIR CHANCE

So far, U.S. oil companies have been stuck on the sidelines of the Iraqi oil
rush. Even if Saddam wanted to enlist U.S. firms in the rebuilding of Iraq's
oil infrastructure, U.N. sanctions - as well as U.S. laws - have barred
American oil companies from dealing with Baghdad.

But some analysts say it's unlikely that American firms will be left empty-
handed if the U.S. follows through on threats of military action.

"If you turn up and it's your tanks that dislodged the regime and you have
50,000 troops in the country and they're in your tanks, then you're going to
get the best deals," said Credit Suisse First Boston oil analyst Mark
Flannery. "That's the way it works. The French will have three men and a
1950s tank. That's just not going to work."

American oil companies are also hoping to benefit from the industry's
unusually strong ties to the White House. President Bush, himself the former
head of a Texas oil company, has pursued an national energy policy that
relies on aggressively expanding new sources of oil. Vice President Dick
Cheney is the former CEO of oil services giant Halliburton. National security
adviser Condoleezza Rice is a former director of Chevron.

So far, U.S. oil companies have been mum on the subject of the potential
spoils of war. A spokesman for ChevronTexaco would say only that "we don't
speculate and we don't comment on speculation." Officials at ExxonMobil did
not respond to calls for comment.

NOT SO FAST

It's anyone's guess just who will decide how Iraq's oil resources are
developed. But some analysts say it's likely those decisions will be made by
Iraqis.

"Iraqis are pretty nationalistic," said James Placke, a Middle East analyst
at Cambridge Energy Research. "The assumption that the U.S. will just walk in
and call the shots - I think that's simplistic. Unless we behave like a
colonialist occupier, we're not going to call the shots."

Some analysts note that a large-scale, occupying army would further inflame
anti-American sentiment in the region and destabilize Iraq's oil-rich
neighbors, notably Saudi Arabia.

So a lot depends on just what kind of government is in power when U.N.
sanctions are lifted. Even if the U.S. ousts Saddam, say analysts, any new
government would face the daunting task of unifying rival ethnic groups and
keeping a lid on political infighting.

"Ruling Iraq will be an absolute nightmare," said Bill O'Grady, a commodities
analyst at A.G. Edwards in St Louis.

A regime change could also dramatically reshuffle the deck for global oil
giants trying to make the most of the cards they've been dealt. The Iraqi
National Congress, an exiled opposition group that might have a role in any
new government, has said it would review all oil contracts negotiated by
Saddam Hussein. New contracts might offer less attractive terms, according to
Placke.

"(Existing contracts) were done on a production sharing basis, which some
Iraqis regard as too generous," he said. "They would prefer to go back to a
straight service contract. That's not of much interest to most larger oil
companies."

FEAR INSIDE OPEC

No matter who ends up developing Iraq's reserves, a revitalized Iraqi oil
industry poses new problems for the Organization of Petroleum Exporting
Countries, whose 10 members carved up Iraq's production quotas when U.N.
sanction took hold in 1991. By some estimates, a rebuilt Iraqi oil industry
could produce as much as six million barrels a day, second only to Saudi
Arabia as top OPEC producer. As Iraqi production rises, say analysts, oil
prices would likely fall unless OPEC cuts back elsewhere. But it's not at all
clear how closely Iraq will cooperate with OPEC once sanctions are lifted.

Russia's role in developing Iraqi oil production also strengthens it's threat
to OPEC's grip on oil prices. Now second to Saudi Arabia in output, Russian
oil companies would benefit from increasing output and boosting market share -
 even if oil prices fall. And Iraqi oil is cheaper to produce than Russian
reserves buried deep below the Western Siberian permafrost.

The Russian government, though, may be less enthusiastic about boosting Iraqi
production if it sends oil prices falling too far. Moscow is heavily
dependent on oil as a critical source of foreign exchange, and the loss of
all those petrodollars could send the fragile Russian economy back into a
deep recession.

Russian oil companies have been pressing for guarantees that their deals
won't be jeopardized by any U.S.-led move to oust Saddam - so far, those
pleas have fallen on deaf ears. Russia's relationship with Iraq is further
complicated by an estimated $7-$9 billion in loans owed by Baghdad to Moscow.
Russia is also a major supplier of manufactured goods to Iraq.

(In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107, this material is distributed
without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving the
included information for research and educational
purposes.)
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