-Caveat Lector-

Europe badly needs a change of course BY GERALD M. STEINBERG
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Nov. 28, 2002
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The upheaval in the Middle East, set in motion by the violent
destruction
of the Oslo formula and the confrontation with Saddam Hussein, will
have
a fundamental impact on Europe. These crises exposed deep-seated
policy
failures, and if Europe is to avoid the threats emanating from the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East and
from
escalating terrorism and explosive instability, its leaders must learn
to
confront rather than run away from reality.

To play a serious role in the American-led "Quartet" more of a duet,
with
the UN and Russia in token roles the myths must be erased and the
relationship with Israel rebuilt.

After years of religious faith that comprehensive peace was
inevitable,
the EU's policies in the Middle East have collapsed with the
Palestinian
Authority. For a decade European officials worked closely with the
Israeli Labor Party and were taken in by Yasser Arafat's double game,
ignoring the contradictory evidence on the ground.

Victims of Palestinian attacks, as well as Europe's taxpayers, are
demanding an accounting for the money that was blindly pumped into
Arafat's terrorist kleptocracy. Similarly, European members of
parliament
are realizing that they supported Palestinian textbooks that did not
include a single map with the name "Israel," books that continue to
teach
children to hate.

Europe has also adopted the Palestinian version of history that
started
in 1967 with "occupation" and "settlements," as well as the myths
blaming
Ehud Barak and Bill Clinton for Arafat's stone-walling at Camp David.

It is apparently easier for many Europeans to blame Israel than accept
the reality of a continuing pan-Arab war against Israel's existence.
Diplomats and "intellectuals" in Paris, Stockholm, Madrid and Berlin
also
cling to the self-serving myth that "decisive American pressure on
Israel" can bring about a magic solution, as if Israel were a two-bit
colony willing to forgo its security and risk its survival.

Meanwhile, Finland refuses to sell Israel protective equipment against
chemical attacks and Britain has suspended shipments of arms that
Israel
needs for its defense.

More than two years of brutal terrorism and dozens of phony cease-fire
declarations have failed to push Europe into developing a more mature
approach. In Brussels, Yossi Beilin and Co. are still regarded as
Israel's true governing class, Ha'aretz is mistakenly considered to
reflect public opinion, and the consensus leaders, under Prime
Minister
Ariel Sharon, are disdained as temporary aberrations.

With no understanding of the complexities of Israeli democracy, these
myths are sustained by false hopes of a pliable Labor Party under new
Labor Party leader Amram Mitzna. Miguel Moratinos, the European
Commission's special envoy to the Middle East, whose experience is
limited to Morocco and North Africa, hops from salon to salon holding
meaningless discussions.

At the same time, Europe's structural links with Israel are tied to
the
1995 Barcelona framework, in which all the members, including Egypt,
Jordan, Syria, and North Africa, have the same status. This framework
allowed the EU to shove Israeli democracy and open society under the
same
rubric as the repressive regimes of Egypt and Syria.

On this basis the EU's ambassador to Israel justifies funding for
extremist groups and offensive propaganda, such as the pamphlet
published
by the Israeli branch of Physicians for Human Rights, as being similar
to
the EU's human-rights program in Egypt, when the analogy should
instead
be to a situation in which the American government was funding
extremist
anti-abortion groups seeking to influence Europe's democracies.

This analogy might help Europe grasp the differences between Israel
and
the Arab dictatorships, as well as avoid the perversion of human
rights
for Israel-bashing.

EUROPE'S MORAL claims are also undermined by its failure to do more
than
issue routine condemnations of brutal Palestinian terror. In some
cases,
there is even the argument that the perennial and "powerless
Palestinian
victims" have no other weapon. With the Holocaust relegated to a
distant
memory in Europe, this inaction, coupled with attacks on Jews and
Jewish
institutions and pro-Palestinian demonstrations that ignore terror,
leads
many Jews to conclude that anti-Semitism remains a very potent force.

France's former ambassador to the UK has not been the only one to
refer
to Israel as "that shitty little country."

Taken together, these factors have created a deepening crisis in
relations between the EU and Israel and blocked any positive
influence.
Europe needs an honest and fundamental reassessment, with a
consideration
of new structures, one that requires different people not wedded to
the
old myths. A new generation of European policy makers for the Middle
East
will have to learn the real history, stripped of the demonization of
Israel that is peddled by politically correct intellectuals and
journalists.

The failure of the Barcelona process and structure should be
recognized
and replaced by a singular relationship in which Israel and the EU can
cooperate without reference to Egypt, Morocco or Syria. If the
post-Saddam era finally opens a window of freedom in the Arab world,
the
southern European states, along with Israel, Turkey and emerging Arab
democracies, will form the foundation of an important political
structure.

For Europe's leaders, and particularly Greece, which assumes the EU
presidency in January, these challenges are probably far too
ambitious.
But progress can begin by finally acknowledging this painful reality,
rather than wasting another six months on meaningless gestures based
on
outdated concepts and myths.

Europe has a great deal to offer. The time for changing course is long
overdue.

The writer is director of the Program on Conflict Management and
Negotiation at Bar-Ilan University.
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