death penalty news

June 13, 2004


COLORADO:

Bishops in Colorado for crucial dialogue - Progress on abuse-related 
reforms and the role of Catholics in public life are on this week's agenda.

More than 250 U.S. Roman Catholic bishops will gather in Denver this week 
for a critical closed-door meeting at a time when divisions have appeared 
in their ranks.

In recent months, the leaders of America's largest religious denomination 
have staked out different positions on the church's proper place in the 
political arena, whether some church teachings should be emphasized over 
others, and whether Communion should be a forum for judging how Catholics 
stand on issues.

One goal of the six-day Denver summit, which begins Monday at the Inverness 
Hotel and Conference Center in Arapahoe County, is to narrow those gaps and 
find consensus where possible, observers say.

"The bishops don't like the appearance of arguing or disagreeing in public 
because they value very much the image of a united church," said the Rev. 
Tom Reese, editor of America, a Jesuit magazine. "Having different bishops 
say different things just destroys this image of unity."

The Denver assembly was to be a solemn prayer retreat - a gathering held 
every five years that differs from the bishops' semi-annual business meetings.

But events of the past six months caused at least two items of business to 
be added: a progress report from a committee of bishops examining Catholics 
in public life, and a likely decision on how to measure dioceses' latest 
progress in meeting reforms adopted after the 2002 clergy abuse scandal.

The political discussion was ramped up in January when Archbishop Raymond 
Burke of St. Louis said he would not serve Communion to Catholic Democratic 
presidential hopeful John Kerry because Kerry backs abortion rights, in 
conflict with the church.

Since then, about 15 U.S. bishops have spoken out on the Communion 
question. Some have said they believe Catholic politicians who support 
abortion rights should refrain from the Eucharist. Others dread 
confrontations over the sacrament at the center of Catholic life.

Colorado prominent in debate

The emphasis on abortion has prompted criticism that some bishops are 
selectively emphasizing church teachings and not holding Catholic 
candidates accountable on the church's stands on capital punishment, war 
and other subjects - an approach, critics say, that benefits the Republican 
Party.

Some conservative bishops - including Denver Archbishop Charles Chaput - 
believe abortion is a litmus-test issue. Others do not.

"The reality of bishops having quite different points of view on sensitive 
issues is not a novelty," said Russell Shaw, a conservative Catholic writer 
and former spokesman for the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops. "What we 
have now is somewhat different in that the differences have such a high 
degree of visibility."

Another unusual wrinkle is the prominence that Colorado, not a traditional 
Catholic center, has taken in the debate. The state's U.S. Senate race 
includes Attorney General Ken Salazar, a Catholic who supports abortion rights.

In a May pastoral letter, Colorado Springs Bishop Michael Sheridan warned 
that Catholic politicians who support abortion rights, euthanasia, gay 
marriage and stem-cell research in conflict with the church risk their 
eternal salvation.

He declared that dissenting politicians may not receive Communion. Sheridan 
later issued a clarification explaining that he was not denying anyone the 
sacrament, saying only that Catholics should refrain if they are not in 
good standing.

Sheridan went further than any other U.S. bishop by extending those same 
standards to rank-and-file Catholics who vote for dissenting candidates.

In contrast, Chaput's May 25 column on Communion did not delve into hot 
political topics. Catholic public officials or parishioners "living in 
serious sin or who deny the teachings of the church" should refrain from 
taking Communion on their own accord, he wrote.

The Denver archbishop said in an interview conducted by e-mail last week 
that while bishops sometimes have differing opinions, an underlying unity 
on the essentials always exists.

"Every bishops' meeting has differences," Chaput said. "That's the nature 
of honest discussion. I think quite a few bishops will have concerns at 
this meeting about strengthening the Catholic identity of American Catholic 
public witness."

Unease over differing messages

The bishops of the nation's 195 dioceses have the right to set guidelines 
for following church teachings in their respective areas. Even so, 
differing messages can make the Catholic hierarchy uneasy.

Pope John Paul II, speaking recently to American bishops at the Vatican, 
made reference to "the formation of factions within the church" in America.

The Rev. Richard McBrien, a liberal theologian at the University of Notre 
Dame, said the bishops conference is overwhelmingly conservative, so the 
divide is not about ideology.

He believes a gulf does exist over pragmatism. A majority of bishops, 
McBrien argues, are in the pragmatic camp, concerned about being identified 
with one political party or candidate and mindful that most Catholics 
resent when bishops interfere with the political process.

"(Bishops) do not want to find themselves leading a march in which the only 
people behind them are militant pro-lifers and Republican partisans," 
McBrien said. The faithful "would resent any efforts by the bishops that 
would have the effect of making Sen. Kerry's election more difficult, and 
the bishops' credibility, already mortally wounded in the sexual-abuse 
scandal, would suffer even further damage."

Controversies over Catholic politicians have flared before: in the 
presidential campaigns of Al Smith in 1928 and John F. Kennedy in 1960 and 
in the 1980s with the candidacies of Democratic vice presidential nominee 
Geraldine Ferraro and New York Gov. Mario Cuomo, who support legalized 
abortion.

The latest debate was preceded by a November 2002 Vatican doctrinal note 
that underscores the importance of Catholics taking part in political life. 
The document decries a "kind of cultural relativism" and restates church 
stands on abortion, euthanasia, war and other issues.

In response, the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops formed a task force to 
draft a new policy on the responsibilities of Catholics in public life. The 
group, which will issue a status report in Denver, is not expected to wrap 
up work until after the November election.

But a fraction of bishops already have gone public with statements about 
politics and Communion. That has some concerned that the statements of a 
few are being given inordinate weight. Several U.S. bishops are hoping to 
issue a statement on politics out of Denver.

Chaput has called abortion the "contemporary human rights issue of our 
time" and said he would never vote for a pro-abortion rights candidate.

Going beyond the abortion issue

Not all bishops are so single-issue minded. Pueblo Bishop Arthur Tafoya in 
May released a statement emphasizing Catholics should consider not just 
abortion but also poverty, war, the death penalty and working for peace and 
justice.

Tafoya, 71, is part of an earlier generation of bishops cut from the cloth 
of the late Cardinal Joseph Bernardin of Chicago, who advocated a 
"consistent ethic of life," or a "seamless garment."

A 2003 U.S. bishops conference statement on faithful citizenship, produced 
for this election year, outlines the importance of respecting life from 
conception to the grave. It highlights a litany of issues ranging from 
avoiding war and nuclear-weapon use to reducing poverty and promoting marriage.

But special status is given to abortion and euthanasia, "preeminent threats 
to human life and dignity because they directly attack life itself, the 
most fundamental good and the condition for all others."

Some Catholics believe focusing narrowly on abortion will only hurt the 
church's standing. Linda Pieczynski, a board member of the reform group 
Call to Action, said establishing a "hierarchy of evils" diminishes other 
Catholic social teachings.

"As a Catholic voter, you have to look at candidates and see how they stand 
on all issues and see which one violates their concerns the least, because 
neither party embodies Catholic teaching all the way down the line," she said.

Pieczynski said that while abortion is a mortal sin, she could never 
support President Bush, who opposes abortion rights. She believes Bush is 
guilty of other mortal sins: waging "an unprovoked war" on Iraq and signing 
death penalty warrants as Texas governor.

Robert George, director of the James Madison Program in American Ideals and 
Institutions at Princeton University, dismisses comparing abortion to the 
death penalty and war because Catholic teaching allows for capital 
punishment and war under certain conditions.

He also argues that the scope of the abortion issue - 1.3 million are 
performed annually in the United States - elevates its importance in the 
public realm.

"I know Republicans who want the bishops to keep quiet about this because 
they are worried about a backlash," George said. "I don't think bishops 
should let Republicans dictate their positions. They should be concerned 
about being obligated to teach what the Gospel teaches about human life."

Conservative Catholic groups applaud the few U.S. bishops who are holding 
Catholic politicians accountable at the Communion rail to the church's 
abortion teachings. Catholics "who obstinately persist in manifest grave 
sin" are not to take the Eucharist, according to church law.

"We have gone 30 years without doing much about these politicians," said 
Deal Hudson, publisher of Crisis magazine and a Catholic adviser to the 
Bush administration and the GOP. "There's a basic consensus that the 
reasonable first step is to ask pro-abortion politicians to examine their 
own conscience. A few bishops think these politicians are well aware of 
what they're doing and they don't need that kind of warning, period - they 
can go right to sanctions."

Hudson believes U.S. bishops within two years will reach a consensus to 
strongly discourage or publicly refuse to give the Eucharist to Catholic 
politicians who back abortion rights.

Reese, of America magazine, said the Denver assembly should show a majority 
of U.S. bishops believe they should lay out the church's teachings about 
Communion but ultimately let individuals decide whether they're fit. Most 
bishops want no part of denying anyone Communion, he said.

That seems in keeping with the spirit of the bishop of Rome.

Reese points out that at a private Vatican Mass last year, Pope John Paul 
II was said to have given Communion to British Prime Minister Tony Blair, 
an Anglican who supports abortion rights.


----------

HEADLINING THE RETREAT
Issues that will take center stage Monday through Saturday as more than 250 
U.S. Catholic bishops meet in Arapahoe County:

Catholics in public life
A committee headed by Cardinal Theodore McCarrick of Washington, D.C., will 
update bishops on its work, which is scheduled to be completed after the 
November election. A few bishops have issued statements connecting Catholic 
politicians' stands on moral issues to their fitness to receive Communion. 
But only one - Archbishop Raymond Burke of St. Louis - has explicitly 
stated he would deny Communion to presidential candidate John Kerry, a 
Catholic who backs abortion rights. McCarrick has said denying Communion to 
politicians puts the church on a "slippery slope" leading to denying the 
Eucharist to voters. There's a good chance the bishops will issue a 
statement in Denver on politics, given the attention the subject has been 
getting.

Scandal reforms
Bishops will discuss whether and how to proceed on a second annual review 
of how dioceses are meeting reforms adopted in 2002 in response to the 
clergy abuse scandal. Some bishops, including Denver Archbishop Charles 
Chaput, have questioned whether annual reviews are necessary. A board of 
Catholic laypeople charged with monitoring the church's reaction to the 
scandal strongly questioned bishops' commitment to reforms. The future of 
the lay panel - known as the National Review Board - is in question, 
however. One bishop said the Denver assembly may lead to a "reformulation" 
of the group. A review last year found 90 percent of dioceses are enacting 
the scandal reforms, including abuse prevention training and forming review 
boards with laypeople.

Plenary council
This, the main event of the meeting, has been overshadowed by other 
business. Bishops will discuss whether to hold a plenary council - a 
nationwide meeting of bishops, priests and laypeople - on the state of the 
church in America. It likely would examine causes of the clergy abuse 
scandal. The last U.S. plenary council was in Baltimore in 1884 and 
resulted in the Baltimore Catechism. Chaput says it's premature to say 
whether another council is needed. "But if it does occur, it needs to be a 
real act of self-examination and renewal, with a critical eye not only on 
ourselves but on our compromises with American culture and habits of 
thought," he said. The bishops are expected to wait until their next 
business meeting in November to vote on whether to hold a plenary council.

(source: Denver Post)


=======================

MARYLAND:

Executions Carried Out To the Letter  - In Baltimore, Killer's Death Set to 
Follow Detailed Plan

The mechanics of death in Maryland run several dozen pages of emotionally 
detached detail. They discuss, from start to finish, how the state set 
about executing John F. Thanos in 1994, Flint Gregory Hunt in 1997 and 
Tyrone X. Gilliam in 1998, and how prison officials this week are ready to 
execute 42-year-old Steven Howard Oken.

Maryland does not publicly disclose the time and date of death in advance, 
the lingering legacy of a time when releasing that information led to a 
distasteful public spectacle. A Circuit Court judge signs a warrant that 
specifies a five-day window during which the condemned inmate will suffer 
lethal injection. The state correction commissioner and the individual whom 
he designates his "execution commander" decide the hour and day.

Not until three hours before the procedure is scheduled to begin are the 
dozen witnesses alerted. Their destination is the old Maryland penitentiary 
-- now, of all ironies, a prison hospital -- in downtown Baltimore.

Yet as the state Correction Division's "Execution Operations Manual" makes 
clear, the preparation gets under way far in advance with weekly drills. 
The commander leads two units: a special security team that monitors the 
inmate in the days beforehand -- up to the moment he climbs onto the table 
where he will die -- and a second team that carries out the execution. The 
first group operates within the confines of what used to be called the 
death house, an isolated, second-floor configuration of gray walls and gray 
floor, as well as four gray cells, each 8 feet, 9 inches long and 7 1/2 
feet wide. The other group works around the corner, quite literally.

"There's a lot of planning that goes into this," said Mark Vernarelli, 
spokesman for the Correction Division. "We want to maintain decency and 
dignity and do it as smoothly as possible."

For all the impassioned arguments for and against the death penalty, when a 
case advances this far -- as Oken's has after almost 17 years -- a routine 
sets in. The momentum continues even if legal challenges are pending, such 
as tomorrow's 2 p.m. hearing in federal district court on the defense 
attorney's appeal for a stay of execution.

Fourteen days prior to execution week, for example, the execution area is 
inspected, equipment checked and personnel prepped. All observations of the 
inmate are recorded.

Four days prior to execution week, "crowd control strategies" for possible 
demonstrations for and against the death penalty are planned with Baltimore 
police. "Receipt of pharmaceuticals" is verified.

In the next several days, and in the countdown hours before the execution, 
the inmate is asked to detail funeral arrangements. Telephones into and out 
of this area of the Metropolitan Transition Center are tested and retested 
to prevent any delay in communication should a last-minute stay be granted 
by a court or the governor. The inmate's personal property is inventoried, 
and he puts in writing what is to be done with it.

By the targeted day, the plan dictates that Oken will be waiting in cell 
No. 1 of the special security unit, where correction officials say 
"tranquillity" is the goal, and the most prominent sound is the cool, 
constant whoosh of the ventilation system.

He will have traded the orange "jumpers" of the Supermax facility across 
the street, his home for the past 13 years, for a set of scrubs and 
shoelace-less sneakers that are a washed-out shade of tan. He can be handed 
a phone through the cell's thick bars and can receive visitors, but there 
is no close human contact. A thick, red line demarcates a several-foot-wide 
zone that neither relatives nor defense attorney can violate.

A radio and TV are allowed -- outside of the cell.

Oken will be afforded some variety for his last meal, officials say, but 
hardly a carte blanche menu. And when the time has come, he will be 
handcuffed again through the bars and his hands and legs shackled via a 
"chain box" that will force him to shuffle to his death in the adjacent room.

There, an intravenous line will be inserted as he lies on a padded gurney, 
and the witnesses will be brought into the observation room. He will have a 
moment to make a last statement. Then, the unseen Execution Team will begin 
releasing the three specified chemicals -- color-coded red, green and blue 
-- into the IV line. The final one will stop Oken's heart.

Within minutes, it should be over.

Oken is scheduled to die for the 1987 sexual assault and murder of Dawn 
Marie Garvin, a 20-year-old college student and newlywed whom he murdered 
in her Baltimore County apartment. Two weeks later, he also murdered his 
sister-in-law and, after driving to Maine, a young motel clerk.

His would be the fourth lethal injection in Maryland. Between 1961 and 1994 
-- which included a brief period when the Supreme Court deemed capital 
punishment unconstitutional -- the state put no one to death. Between 1923 
and 1961, however, 80 people were hanged or sent to the gas chamber. 
Fifty-three had been convicted of murder, 27 of rape.

(source: Washington Post)


============================

WASHINGTON:

Political clash: GOP, Demos offer stark choice for voter

It may be true that politicians often sound alike, fuzzing their 
differences, but don't blame the parties. This year, Democrats and 
Republicans have produced hard-edged platforms that draw stark contrasts.

Washington's two main parties differ over gay marriage, abortion rights, 
tax policy, pre-emptive war, Israel, oil drilling in the Arctic wilderness, 
charter schools, and the Iraq war.

For starters.

Party leaders readily concede that the scrappy platforms are the 
no-shades-of-gray opinions of their party's activists. But they also 
believe the clear positions will help guide voters and candidates in this 
watershed year.

Democratic Chairman Paul Berendt calls his party's views "a proudly liberal 
Democratic platform. We didn't shy away from any controversy."

He said voters are hungry for progressive politics and are fed up with 
George Bush and stale Republican ideas. "They haven't come up with a new 
idea for 20 years, not since the beginning of the Reagan Revolution."

Republican Chairman Chris Vance loves the Democratic platform, too, and 
says he's mailing copies to the GOP and its candidates ? so they can use it 
against the Democrats this fall.

"It's crazy," he says. "It's a radical, left-wing platform, an 
anti-American platform. I hope very much that they run on this platform. 
The polls show people are opposed to gay marriage, opposed to an income 
tax, most support the president's pre-emptive strike doctrine, and most 
support capital punishment."

Vance says Democratic candidates like Christine Gregoire will have to run 
from ? not on ? the platform, but that Republicans are united behind a 
mainstream conservative platform and four-square behind the president.

___

A SAMPLER OF DIFFERENCES

Both parties have posted their platforms on their Web sites, but here are 
highlights:

_ABORTION. Democrats support abortion rights. Republicans oppose abortion 
and would require parental consent for such procedures.

_POT. Ds support decriminalizing possession of less than 10 grams of 
marijuana, and legalization of pot for medical purposes. Rs did not address.

_CIVIL LIBERTIES. Ds support "reversal of the erosion of civil liberties in 
our country." Rs have an entire plank on personal liberty.

_AFFIRMATIVE ACTION. Ds support; Rs don't address.

_ASSISTED SUICIDE. D's support "medically assisted death with dignity with 
suitable safeguards for terminally ill patients." Rs say they would protect 
life until natural death.

_SAME-SEX MARRIAGE. Ds support right of gays to marry. Rs support a 
constitutional amendment barring gay marriage.

_CRIME. Ds say prevention is as important as responding to crime. Ds call 
for review of "three strikes" and other sentencing laws and elimination of 
racial profiling. Rs call for swift punishment for offenders and protection 
of individual liberties and due process.

_DAMS. Ds take credit for Snake and Columbia river dams and say any 
breaching should be based on "sound, credible economic and scientific 
information." Rs oppose removal of dams and support changes that will help 
with relicensing.

_DEATH PENALTY. Ds would abolish capital punishment. Rs favor capital 
punishment and oppose early release of offenders for budget reasons.

_EDUCATION. Ds support "stable funding source" for education and endorse an 
initiative to boost the sales tax by 1 percent. They also urge full funding 
of voter-approved education initiatives, which the Legislature largely 
suspended for two years. They call for repeal of the national No Child Left 
Behind Act.

Democrats also call for state funding of fine arts education, use of simple 
majority to pass school levies and bonds, and the right of teachers to 
strike. They call for classes on "issues of sexuality" and drug abuse, and 
would bar aggressive military recruiting on high school campuses and would 
demand an equal opportunity for "dissenting opinions."

Democrats oppose charter schools, vouchers for private school, and sale of 
junk food on campus.

Republicans support charter schools, tax credits and vouchers, support full 
implementation of No Child Left Behind and support teaching English as the 
official and primary language.

Rs call for sex education that promotes abstinence before marriage and a 
policy that doesn't promote or identify homosexuality as a healthy or 
morally acceptable lifestyle.

_ENERGY. Ds oppose expansion of nuclear power until long-term storage can 
be guaranteed. They also oppose drilling in any wildlife refuge, wilderness 
area or environmentally sensitive area, a reference to the Bush 
administration's proposal to explore for oil in the Alaska National 
Wildlife Refuge.

Republicans support drilling for oil in ANWR, as well as incentives for use 
of renewable fuels and development of alternative energy sources. Rs 
support further nuclear power plant construction.

_ENVIRONMENT. Ds favor cleanup of all contaminated land and water, strong 
measures to combat global warming, stronger fuel economy standards for SUVs 
and other vehicles, and stronger land-use planning efforts and farmland 
preservation.

Rs say environmental regulations should be "reasonably limited," reliable, 
and consistent, and that growth-management and shoreline rules should be 
set at the local level.

_GUNS. Ds don't call for more gun-control laws but seek stringent 
enforcement of current state and federal laws. Rs have a similar position.

_HEALTH. Ds endorse universal publicly financed coverage. Rs oppose that 
and favor a free-market approach.

_INCOME TAX. Ds support a progressive tax system ? code for a state income 
tax. Rs call for lower taxes.

_ELECTIONS. Democrats call for public financing of all campaigns and would 
make Election Day a national holiday. They would automatically register all 
eligible voters. They would require all broadcast media to provide free 
airtime for candidates. They call for abolition of the Electoral College in 
favor of direct popular election of the president and vice president. Rs 
have no similar plank.

_FOREIGN POLICY. Ds call for abandoning the Bush administration's doctrine 
of pre-emptive war and say non-violence should be the centerpiece of U.S. 
foreign policy.

Ds also call for an "even-handed," two-state solution to the 
Israeli-Palestinian conflict. They call for increased foreign aid and call 
for an end to the economic embargo against Cuba.

Republicans back "pre-emptive self-defense" and say U.S. sovereignty should 
never be under foreign or UN command. They call for "gaining control of our 
borders and adopting a firm immigration policy for homeland security."

Republicans adopt a strong pro-Israel plank, saying Israel has a right to 
defend itself against foreign attack and state-sponsored terrorism. "For a 
peaceful, democratic Palestinian state to exist, we must support Israel in 
winning their war against terror in their homeland."

_IRAQ. Ds called for "equitable and rapid exit strategy" from Iraq and 
Afghanistan. They call for creation of a cabinet-level Department of Peace. 
They call for a congressional investigation of "apparent manipulation of 
intelligence" by the administration to justify war.

Rs strongly support the president's effort, commending Bush and the military.

_MEDIA. Ds say public owns broadcast airwaves and the Internet and that 
they should be managed to serve the public interest. Ds express concern 
about concentration of media ownership. Rs have no similar plank.

_MILITARY. Ds call for "complete funding" of Veterans Administration 
hospitals and facilities for disabled veterans. They call for an end to the 
military's "don't ask, don't tell" policy and would allow openly gay people 
to serve in the armed forces. Rs call for support of the military and 
veterans.

_PATRIOT ACT. Ds say federal law was "irrational reaction" to 9-11 and 
should be scaled back. They say the law should not be renewed. Rs' support 
is implied.

_TRADE. Ds say the United States should renegotiate or withdraw from the 
North American Free Trade Agreement and the World Trade Organization. Rs 
don't address, but favor international trade.

_TRANSPORTATION. Ds calls for "multiple funding sources" for new projects, 
greater reliance on non-automobile transportation, multiple airports in 
urban areas, tax credits for fuel efficient cars, and a cap on ferry fares.

Rs call for immediate attention to highway congestion and would remake the 
Department of Transportation into a Highway Department. Tax increases 
should be minimized, the platform says.

(source: AP)

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