Dec. 31


USA:

Death sentences, executions decline---Still, public backs capital
punishment


Signs of an apparent decline in the death penalty can be found in falling
numbers of executions and death sentences, in court rulings in two states
finding capital punishment laws unconstitutional and in the U.S. Supreme
Court's renewed vigilance over the ultimate sanction.

Since 1999, when a record 98 inmates were put to death across the country,
the number of death row executions has dropped to 59 in 2004. The year
even finished with no executions in December, the 1st time since July 1994
that such an event occurred.

But the falling numbers don't tell the whole story. The death penalty
still has public backing and strong proponents. On Jan. 26, Connecticut is
scheduled to hold the 1st execution in New England in more than 4 decades.
On that date, serial killer Michael Ross, 45, faces lethal injection in
the killings of 8 women in Connecticut and New York in the early 1980s.

This week, Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney said he would present to state
lawmakers early next year a bill that would bring the death penalty to his
state--one of a dozen in the United States without it. The measure is
thought to have little chance of passage.

In Virginia, long one of the nation's execution leaders, Republican
gubernatorial hopeful and Atty. Gen. Jerry Kilgore has proposed
eliminating the state's "triggerman" rule, so even those defendants who do
not actually commit a murder can face execution.

And during 2004 the federal death row grew by about 30 %, from 26
condemned prisoners to 34.

Reshuffling of deck

"It all adds up to a strong, dramatic shift, though not the end of the
death penalty," said Richard Dieter, the executive director of the Death
Penalty Information Center, a Washington, D.C., non-profit group critical
of how the death penalty is applied.

The lack of an execution in December, traditionally a slow month for
executions because of the holidays, appeared to be more a fluke this year
than a sign of any trend; several prisoners scheduled to die were granted
stays.

Death sentences have fallen since 1998, when 300 inmates received such
convictions. In 2003, the total was 144, and Dieter projects 130 for 2004.

Because the declines in executions are small, it is hard to gauge their
statistical significance. After all, had some of the executions scheduled
for December taken place, the execution decline would have been
negligible.

"When you're dealing with numbers this small, those kinds of random
fluctuations don't matter that much, especially with states," said Kent
Scheidegger, the legal director of the Criminal Justice Legal Foundation,
which supports capital punishment.

Behind the statistics are several factors, all of them tied to new debate
over the death penalty--a debate no longer focused on whether it is right
or wrong but centered on questions of accuracy and fairness.

That debate gained urgency in early 2000, when Gov. George Ryan declared a
moratorium on executions in Illinois, and it has continued hotly as the
number of death row exonerations steadily rises.

5 death row inmates were exonerated in 2004. Among them: Gordon "Randy"
Steidl, who had been convicted of two murders in Downstate Illinois, and
Ernest Willis, who spent 17 years on Texas' death row for an arson murder
but was released after experts determined the fire was not arson at all.

"These numbers are the result of all these things," said Dieter. "It has
shaken people's confidence, and there's a hesitance going forward."

Courtroom scene

Dieter and others believe that juries have grown wary of imposing capital
punishment verdicts and that judges increasingly are granting condemned
inmates hearings on issues that, in the past, they may have done without.

Scheidegger disagrees. He attributes the reduction in such convictions to
the drop in the homicide rate. He also cites anecdotal evidence: claims by
some prosecutors that fewer of the most heinous murders more likely to
lead to death sentences are occurring.

"If juries are more reluctant to impose the death penalty in those
relatively few cases where there's a lingering question, that's not a
problem," he said.

State-by-state trends are difficult to interpret. Missouri, whose death
chamber traditionally has been one of the nation's busiest, had no
executions in 2004. One factor: the state's Supreme Court tipped
Democratic 2 years ago.

Appeals dropped

Ohio executed 7 inmates in 2004, more than double its 2003 total of 3 and
more than it has had for decades. But it, too, was a fluke. 2 death row
inmates gave up their appeals and were executed in 2004.

"The common perception is because Ohio had seven, something different is
happening here," said Deputy Atty. Gen. James Canepa. "We are by no means
on any sort of breakneck pace in executing people."

If anything has changed in Ohio it is the pace of death sentences. Since
life without the possibility of parole became a sentencing option in 1996,
capital punishment convictions have fallen from 10 to 12 a year to three
to eight, said Canepa.

"What we've seen," he said, "are less death verdicts."

In New York and Kansas, state courts ruled death penalty laws
unconstitutional. In New York, where restoring such punishment was a
cornerstone of Gov. George Pataki's first campaign, the state has yet to
execute a prisoner and the legislature does not appear eager to rewrite
its flawed law.

Kansas law-enforcement officials, stung by their Supreme Court's Dec. 17
decision striking down the law, have already asked the judges to
reconsider. Officials may also appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court.

In many ways, the death penalty is largely a Texas matter, and until its
pace slows, the Lone Star State will remain the nation's leading
executioner.

In 2004, Texas had 23 executions--more than a third of the nationwide
total. Of the nation's first 13 executions scheduled for 2005, the state
accounts for nine of them, according to Dieter and Texas prison records.

But the U.S. Supreme Court appears to be keeping a closer eye on
Texas--and the death penalty in general. Over the past year, the justices
have considered appeals from 3 condemned inmates in the state and appear
to be frustrated with Texas-style justice.

It is even hearing one case for the 2nd time in 2 years.

Court not as tolerant

"It's extraordinary what's been happening," said David Dow, a law
professor at the University of Houston who represents death row inmates.

"What you basically have," he added, "is a fairly conservative court that
has been rebuking [Texas] in death penalty cases--and by fairly decisive
margins.

"The court seems to be less tolerant of things here," the law professor
added.

Still, even with the new scrutiny, Dow does not see dramatic change.

"I have a sense that there's a bigger number of people interested in
change," he said. "It used to be a voice in the wilderness. Now, it's a
chorus of voices."

Having banned the execution of the mentally retarded in 2002, the Supreme
Court is considering another dramatic winnowing of the death penalty:
banning the execution of juvenile offenders.

That would fall in line with several public statements by justices
expressing concern about how capital punishment is applied--and reflect
the uneasiness expressed in public opinion polls.

"Once something doesn't work, people stop using it," said Robin Maher, the
director of the American Bar Association's death penalty representation
project. "The public has seen so many mistakes ... it's questioning the
use of the death penalty itself."

(source: Chicago Tribune)






ILLINOIS:

Another 151 murders averted


The crushing of skulls on a gorgeous summer evening in 2002 awakened
Chicago to a travesty this city long had tolerated. The deaths of 2
defenseless men--they were beaten with masonry and fists by a mob of
bystanders after their van struck three young women--shocked America. The
vigilante executions of Jack Moore, 62, and Anthony Stuckey, 49,
accomplished something that more than 600 homicides a year, for 34
straight years, had not: Those 2 murders embarrassed Chicago.

In a series of 2002 editorials, "The Chicago crime," this page framed the
nonchalance of a metropolis to its ritual massacre:

"In a city that has improved by almost every measure--from infant
mortality to public education, from calmer race relations to the broad
diversity of its economy--one civic failure stubbornly defies conquest.
Not since 1967 has a year concluded with fewer than 600 people being
murdered here. . . . What none of us wants to say, but what we as a city
say by our tolerance of 600 murders a year, is that many of these lives
are expendable. There is no empirical proof that Chicagoans ignore
homicides by the hundreds because the blood flows in impoverished
neighborhoods where most of the faces are black or brown. But to deny that
reality is to ignore what most of us will admit under our breath."

Year after year, fewer than 10 % of Chicago's murder victims are white.

That enduring calculus penalizes parts of Chicago by race, and also by
class.

Reverse the percentages, making nine of every 10 victims white, and
Chicago's civic outrage would have demanded decades ago that the murder
toll be slashed.

The fact that such a demand is being sounded now is a belated
acknowledgement that in terrorized neighborhoods across this city, too
many young bodies wind up wearing toe tags.

- - -

Chicago's crusade since 2002 to drive down the carnage is making
extraordinary progress. As of mid-Thursday, with barely a day of killing
time to go, the 2004 murder toll stood at 447. That is 151 fewer victims,
151 fewer heartbroken families, 151 fewer anguished funeral sermons, than
the 2003 toll of 598 by the same date, Dec. 30.

When the final corpses were counted, Chicago ended 2003 with 600
homicides. That was down from 654 in 2002, which was down from 668 in
2001. In short, while the number of homicides nationwide has been growing
slightly, in Chicago it has starkly declined. So, too, has the
all-important murder rate--homicides divided by population--the
humiliating category in which Chicago has led the nation's biggest cities
in nine of the last 10 full years.

2 more lifesaving achievements attest to this progress--which has been, in
the parlance of logicians, necessary but not sufficient.

- For many years, through 2002, Chicago endured some 4,000 intentional
shootings every year in addition to its murders. (4 of 5 killers here use
guns.) But in 2003, as this crusade against violence took hold, the number
of intentional shootings in Chicago dropped by 23 %, to 3,016. As of
Thursday, the count for 2004 had plummeted by another 39 %, to 1,824.

- The number of guns seized this year by Chicago police has risen more
than 5 % to 10,479--an average of 29 firearms taken off the streets every
day. Just since Sept. 13, when Congress and the Bush administration
inexplicably let the federal ban on assault weapons expire, police here
have seized more than 100 of those hyperefficient killing machines.

In sum, a city defined by gun violence since the bloodthirsty days of
Capone is now experiencing . . . much less gun violence.

The overarching reason is that Chicago--its public officials, some of its
victimized communities, its foundations and other institutional
voices--has come to see homicide as an issue of basic civil rights. For
too long, law-abiding residents of impoverished minority neighborhoods
have been hostages to violence, deprived of the security and freedom the
rest of us enjoy.

Mayor Richard M. Daley signaled an assault on the killing early in 2003.
The slaughter angered Daley, formerly Cook County's chief prosecutor;
since he became mayor in 1989, more than 11,000 people have been murdered
in his city. He hired federal prosecutor Matthew Crowl as his de facto
homicide czar. Later that year, Crowl had a role in Daley's choice of
Philip Cline as police superintendent.

Credit for that inspired appointment also goes to Ald. Ike Carothers
(29th), head of the City Council's Police and Fire Committee. Carothers
was disgusted by mayhem so ruthless that every two weeks on average,
another schoolchild died of gunshot wounds. Carothers took a political
risk, telling Chicago's African-American community that crime-fighting
ability--not the race of any candidate--mattered most in the choice of a
top cop. In the realpolitik of Chicago, Carothers' candor allowed Daley to
promote Cline, who is white.

Cline is the architect of imaginative tactics to put more "cops on the
dots," flooding officers into zones where violence has occurred or where
improved gang intelligence suggests it is likely. He has ordered desk
officers and top brass onto vicious streets during the nighttime hours
when killings tend to occur. As never before, officers have disrupted
open-air drug markets, gun trafficking and retaliatory cycles of gang
warfare.

Cline also has benefited from work by his predecessor, Terry Hillard, who
is black. It was Hillard's outreach to minority communities, including
frequent forums he hosted, that left many neighborhoods open--however
cautiously--to the heavier police presence Cline has delivered. Chicago
cops have increased their one-to-one contacts by tens of thousands, mostly
in minority areas with no increase in citizen complaints of misconduct by
officers. The fear often voiced in many neighborhoods is that the police
will lose interest in quelling gunplay and retreat.

Chicago owes some of its improvement to federal prosecutors who have
aggressively wielded gun laws, and to federal judges who treat these cases
more seriously than before. Experimental efforts to teach parolees about
Draconian federal prison penalties for repeat firearms offenders has cut
homicides in those neighborhoods even more dramatically than the citywide
reduction. Those tutorials also have prompted some suspects captured
during gun offenses to beg of the arresting officers: "Don't take me
federal!"

- - -

Chicago is at a tipping point. For some potential killers, it appears, a
gun is now too toxic a possession to be an everyday article of attire. The
halving of intentional shootings in just two years suggests that violent
behaviors can be changed, even after decades of constancy. A balance of
power is shifting away from those who long have terrorized much of
Chicago. Their influence must continue to diminish. The murder numbers
here must continue to fall.

Speaking to police commanders earlier this month, Cline bluntly instructed
them not to confuse being pleased with being satisfied. On Tuesday he
reiterated: "We can't become complacent. We've had 445 homicides this
year. Those victims' families are not rejoicing today when they hear that
we're down 145 homicides." Two more homicides have occurred since Cline
spoke those words.

Chicago paid a terrible price for its one-third of a century with more
than 600 murders every year: During that pogrom, more than 28,000 lives
were exterminated.

Homicide isn't one pathology, but a constellation of pathologies--from
domestic violence to tavern brawls to gangbanging--that leave corpses.
Driving down homicide demands a strategy for each pathology. Example: In
2005, Chicago police will launch new efforts to curb infanticides.

The long-term solution to homicide is to better educate young people
before they turn to dangerous lifestyles involving gangs, guns and drugs.

Until that effort can prevail, we're forced to evaluate Chicago's
expanding crusade against homicide by the number of people still among us.
To give thanks, at the end of that crusade's third year, for another 151
murders that didn't occur.

(source: Editorial, Chicago Tribune)






CONNECTICUT:

Ruling Could Come Soon On Request By Ross' Father----Dan Ross seeks
challenge to state's execution method


A federal judge may decide Thursday in U.S. District Court whether the
father of serial killer Michael Ross has any standing to proceed on his
son's behalf and challenge the use of lethal injection for execution.

The lawsuit filed by the American Civil Liberties Union of Connecticut
Tuesday on behalf of Ross' father, Dan Ross, calls the state's execution
procedures cruel and unusual punishment. Dan Ross is acting as "next
friend" to his son.

Judge Christopher Droney could also decide to abstain from any action in
the case in light of a state Supreme Court decision that found
Connecticut's method of execution does not violate the U.S. Constitution.

The lawsuit cites an anesthesiologist's critical report of the state's
execution procedures and his conclusions that the process could inflict
severe pain and trauma to Michael Ross.

Dr. Mark Heath, a professor of anesthesiology at Columbia University,
raised concerns about the low dosage and the manner of delivery of
thiopental sodium, a sedative designed to render Ross unconscious at the
start of the lethal-injection procedure. He said there are myriad features
in the administration of the lethal injection that could increase the risk
of failure in delivering the anesthetizing drug.

Michael Ross, 45, of Brooklyn, was sentenced to death for the kidnapping
and murders of Leslie Shelley and April Brunais, both 14; Robin Stavinsky,
19; and Wendy Baribeault, 17. Three of the victims were raped.

He also is serving two life sentences for the rapes and murders of 2 women
in Windham County. He has confessed to killing 2 other young women in the
early 1980s while he was a student at Cornell University.

Dan Ross has also filed another petition in Rockville Superior Court,
asking the court to halt the Jan. 26 execution.

The father says in the suit he is seeking to be appointed as his son's
"next friend" because he is dedicated to the best interests of his son -
that his son not die without exhausting all avenues of appeal.

Dan Ross' motion contends his son's convictions are illegal for various
reasons, including that he received ineffective counsel and that he was
mentally ill when he committed the murders.

Ross' former public defenders have also joined in the petition.

A Rockville judge will decide Monday whether Dan Ross or the public
defenders have any standing to force Michael Ross to appeal his
convictions.

The public defender's office will get a chance on Wednesday to argue
before the state Supreme Court on why it should have the right to
represent Ross.

In their appeal to the high court, the public defenders argue that the
office was wrongfully denied the right it has under federal common law to
show that Ross is incompetent, preparatory to being appointed as his "next
friend." A New London Superior Court judge Tuesday found Ross competent to
forgo his appeals and proceed to his execution.

The public defenders also allege that the lower court erred when it
refused to allow them to appear as a friend of the court.

(source: The Day)

*************************

Killer to get brain scans


A New Milford man who confessed to killing his girlfriend and their baby
in September will undergo a series of scans designed to detect brain
abnormalities.

The lawyer for 29-year-old David Stone recently asked a Superior Court
judge to grant Stone a transfer from prison to a hospital where he can
have the tests.

"There's a lot we don't know about how the human brain works," said
Michael Courtney, Stone's lawyer. "Some of these tests may help us find
out."

Those tests are an MRI, CT scan and a newer scan, called the PET scan than
can detect abnormalities other scans cannot.

Courtney declined to say if he is looking for anything specific he thinks
could help his client's case. Stone faces the death penalty.

In general, when a defendant faces the death penalty, a lawyer will delve
into every aspect of his life, including finding out every detail about
his health, to uncover a mitigating factor that could help him avoid
execution.

Stone took his girlfriend, Lisa Aviles, 31, and their baby, Damien Stone,
on a walk to Lovers Leap park in New Milford, where he allegedly killed
them, police said.

The stab wounds directed at both victims were made to vital internal
organs like the heart and lungs, police said.

CT and MRI scans look at the size and shape of organs and structures of
the body, according to the Web site petscaninfo.com. The PET scan, or
Positron Emission Tomography scan, looks at the biological function in the
body before anatomical changes are visible.

PET scans can identify forms of cancer, damaged heart tissue and brain
disorders like epilepsy, Parkinson's and Alzheimer's disease. According to
the information on the Web site, a PET scan can detect abnormalities in
cells before there are anatomical changes and in many cases can identify
disease earlier and more specifically than other scans.

Dr. William Johns, of Danbury Hospital's Nuclear Medicine Department, said
a PET scan is "more sensitive" than other tests. For example, Johns
recalled a case in which the PET scan was able to pick up abnormalities of
a drug addict's brain when others scans could not.

The PET scans are newer than MRI and CT scans, Johns said. Danbury
Hospital got the scan machines about three years ago, he said.

Defense lawyer Eugene Riccio, of Bridgeport, said he had one of his
clients undergo an MRI scan in a murder case he handled in Danbury
Superior Court in the 1990s. Riccio was defending James Pinder Jr., a man
convicted of murder in 1997. Pinder confessed to killing his friend and
roommate, Brian Altvater, at Altvater's parent's house. Pinder was
sentenced to 40 years in prison.

Riccio found Pinder suffered from brain damage, although ultimately that
didn't help his case.

Although Riccio hasn't used the PET scan, he said brain scans can be
helpful.

"If you can show demonstrable injury, it's something people can put their
finger on," he said.

(source: The News-Times)






CALIFORNIA:

Beardslee Asks Governor For Clemency


A Redwood City man who is scheduled to be executed on Jan. 19 asked Gov.
Arnold Schwarzenegger today to exercise clemency and commute his sentence
to life in prison without parole.

The clemency petition filed by lawyers for Donald Beardslee, 61, argues
that exceptional circumstances, including alleged lifelong brain damage in
Beardslee, "warrant the exercise of mercy."

Beardslee is scheduled to be executed by lethal injection at San Quentin
State Prison on Jan. 19 for the 1981 murder of Patty Geddling, 23.

He was convicted by a jury in San Mateo County Superior Court in 1983 of
murdering both Geddling and her roommate, Stacey Benjamin, 19. A separate
penalty jury in 1984 imposed a death penalty for Geddling's murder and a
sentence of life in prison without parole for the slaying of Benjamin.

Beardslee has previously lost a series of state and federal appeals over
the past 2 decades.

On Wednesday, he lost a key ruling in a last-minute appeal when a
three-judge panel of the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals turned down his
claim that he should be given a new penalty trial.

That ruling can still be appealed to an expanded appeals panel or to the
U.S. Supreme Court. Today, the circuit court set Jan. 5 as the deadline
for Beardslee to file an appeal for review by an expanded panel.

The 48-page clemency petition asks the governor to look outside of the
court proceedings and consider information that was not fully known at the
time of Beardslee's trial.

The petition contends that the penalty jury was not aware Beardslee had
suffered from "severe brain damage that impaired his functioning since
birth."

It argues that the brain damage accounts for Beardslee's "puzzling
behavior" during the murders, in which Beardslee did not know the victims
and had nothing to do with a plot hatched by 3 other men to kill the 2
women, according to the petition.

The filing also argues that Beardslee played a smaller role in the
killings than the other men, who received lesser sentences, and that he
may even not have fired the shot that killed Geddling.

Beardslee's lawyers also argue in the petition that he has been a model
prisoner and would not pose a danger if sentenced to life in prison
without parole.

"A commutation of Mr. Beardslee's death sentence is not only a merciful
result, it also is a just result," the petition says.

J.P. Tremblay, the assistant secretary for external affairs of the
California Youth and Adult Correctional Agency, said today that state
prosecutors have nine days to respond to the petition.

Tremblay said he expects the state Board of Prison Terms to hold a
clemency hearing on approximately Jan. 12.

The board will then make a recommendation to the governor on whether to
grant clemency, he said.

(source: Bay City News)



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