Jan. 18




VIRGINIA:

Friends:

The Virginian Pilot is conducting an online poll asking respondents
whether they believe the Virginia General Assembly should abolish the
death penalty for juveniles.

While I of course believe the General Assembly should abolish the death
penalty for everyone, this poll is nonetheless worth taking part in, if
only because the issue of the juvenile death penalty has been in the news
in Virginia a lot lately.

To vote in the poll, go here and scroll down a bit:

http://home.hamptonroads.com/stories/story.cfm?story=80712&ran=84593





TEXAS:

Say why----Prosecutors who seek the death penalty should willingly explain
their reasons to the public.


U.S. District Judge Vanessa Gilmore is guilty of unorthodox methods, but
it was not unreasonable of her to ask prosecutors why they are seeking the
death penalty against the one black defendant among 14 indicted in a
smuggling case that ended with the death of 19 illegal immigrants.

Last week a 3-judge panel of the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals slapped down
Gilmore's threat to tell jurors that prosecutors had refused her order to
say why they were seeking the death penalty against Tyrone Williams, the
driver of the truck that pulled the sweltering trailer in which the
immigrants perished May 14, 2003. Williams is the lone African-American
defendant to be tried in the case.

Prosecutors said they were under no legal obligation to give a reason for
singling out Williams among his co-defendants for the death penalty. They
stated that Williams, as the truck's driver, was the sole defendant with
"the power to release the aliens and possibly save their lives." This
reasoning is akin to the uncommon notion that the triggerman is guiltier
than the person who hires him - a notion not recognized by law or custom.

Gilmore then asked for a letter of explanation from U.S. Attorney John
Ashcroft, who ignored the request.

Gilmore could have dismissed the death penalty as a sanction against the
government for not obeying her order. Perhaps she was more interested in
bringing attention to the controversial racial disparities in the
application of the death penalty.

In 2001, Attorney General Ashcroft released a report showing "no evidence"
of racial bias in the federal death penalty system. But the original
study, released the previous year by then-Attorney General Janet Reno,
showed minorities accounted for 80.4 % of the 682 federal criminal
defendants accused of capital crimes between 1995 and 2000.

Instead of setting aside the possibility of the death penalty, Gilmore
decided she would announce to jurors during the punishment portion of
Williams' trial - if he were convicted - that prosecutors had not abided
by her order to provide a rationale for seeking the death penalty. The
judge said she further would allow the defense team to say the
prosecution's refusal showed Williams' race had been a motivating factor
in the government's decision.

Gilmore can be accused of jumping to a conclusion there. But in the
absence of a real reason for seeking the death penalty, prosecutors left
the door open for the public to jump to its own conclusions.

The New Orleans-based 3-judge panel threw out Gilmore's entire plan. But
if the judge accomplished anything, she got the public to think about why
prosecutors are so secretive about providing information concerning how
and why they choose to subject accused criminals to the ultimate
punishment. A competent prosecutor eventually presents that information to
the jury, so there is little reason why the public should not know from
the start.

(source: Editorial, Houston Chronicle)






NEW YORK:

Stephen B. Bright, Director, Southern Center for Human Rights will deliver
a lecture on "Is the Death Penalty a Human Rights Violation? The
Realitiesof Capital Punishment in the United States Today" on Tuesday,
February 8, at 5 p.m., Room 630 T, John Jay College of Criminal Justice,
899 10th Avenue, NY, NY 10019

To attend, RSVP to Antigona Kukaj, [email protected], a research
assistant for Professor George J. Andreopoulos at the Center for
International Human Rights, John Jay College of Criminal Justice (CUNY).

Mr. Bright is the Director of the Southern Center for Human Rights
[http://www.schr.org/] and teaches courses on the death penalty and
criminal law at the Yale and Harvard law schools. The Southern Center for
Human Rights is a public interest legal project based in Atlanta which
provides legal representation to persons facing the death penalty and to
prisoners challenging unconstitutional conditions in prisons and jails
throughout the South. The Center is also engaged in efforts to improve
access to lawyers and the legal system by poor people accused of crimes
and in prison, and to bring about greater judicial independence. He has
been director of the Center since 1982.

Mr. Bright has represented persons facing the death penalty at trial, on
appeals and in post-conviction proceedings since 1979. He argued Amadeo v.
Zant before the U.S. Supreme Court in 1988, in which the death sentence
was set aside because of hidden racial discrimination in jury composition.
His articles in the areas of criminal justice, corrections and judicial
independence include "Counsel for the Poor: The Death Sentence Not for the
Worst Crime, but for the Worst Lawyer," which appeared in the Yale Law
Journal, "Discrimination, Death and Denial: The Tolerance of Racial
Discrimination in the Infliction of the Death Penalty," published by the
Santa Clara Law Review, "Judges and the Politics of Death: Deciding
Between the Bill of Rights and the Next Election in Capital Cases,"
published in the Boston University Law Review, and "Political Attacks on
the Judiciary: Can Justice Be Done amid Efforts to Intimidate and remove
Judges from Office for Unpopular Decisions?" published in the New York
University Law Review. He has also contributed chapters to books and
articles to magazines and newspapers.

He has testified before committees of both the U.S. Senate and House of
Representatives and committees of the legislatures of Connecticut, Georgia
and Texas. He served on an American Bar Association Task Force that
studied capital punishment issues and made recommendations, ultimately
adopted by the American Bar Association with minor modification, to the
U.S. Congress about how to improve the fairness of the process by which
people are sentenced to death.

He has taught courses on capital punishment, criminal procedure, and
prisoners' rights at the law schools at Yale, Harvard, Emory, Georgetown,
Northeastern, and Florida State universities, and a course on
international human rights law and capital punishment at the Institute on
World Legal Problems in Innsbruck, Austria, conducted by St. Mary's
University School of Law.

He received the American Bar Association's Thurgood Marshall Award,
presented at the ABA Annual Meeting in 1998; the Roger Baldwin Medal of
Liberty presented in 1991 by the American Civil Liberties Union; the
Kutak-Dodds Prize, presented in 1992 by the National Legal Aid & Defender
Association; and other awards.


INDIANA:

Governor should suspend death penalty pending review


Last summer, former Indiana Gov. Joe Kernan commuted the death sentence of
Darnell Williams. This month, he commuted the death sentence of Michael
Daniels. Both men will serve life sentences without chance of parole.

The two experiences are the basis of some very sound advice from Kernan to
his successor: State government needs to examine whether the sentencing
system is fair in Indiana death penalty cases.

We would go a step further: Until a thorough review can be completed, Gov.
Mitch Daniels should place a moratorium on imposition of the death
penalty.

Evidence of the potential for injustice is too strong for him to do any
less. The examples of Michael Daniels and Darnell Williams are exhibit 1
and exhibit 2. Taken together, they make a compelling case.

Both defendants were borderline mentally retarded. In both crimes, there
were accomplices who were spared the death penalty. There were serious
doubts as to whether either Williams or Daniels was the trigger man. And
there were questions about both defendants' capacity to assist with their
defense.

Daniels had been on death row for 25 years when Kernan's clemency order
was issued. In that time, his conviction was reversed in 1989 but upheld
in 1990, an his sentence was overturned in 1995 but reinstated in 1996.
His two co-defendants have been released.

Clearly, there has been ambivalence about the case within the judicial
system. Reasons for those mixed feelings might have included the fact that
Daniels received an inadequate defense. Evidence casting doubt on his
guilt never was presented in court. Daniels is mentally ill, suffering
from paranoia and delusions, and is unable to make rational decisions or
speak for himself. He is represented by a guardian.

Williams' co-defendant, whose IQ is comparable to that of Williams, was
the likely shooter in that case. But his death sentence was overturned
because he was mentally retarded. Williams, on the other hand, was within
a week of execution when Kernan intervened.

The cases of Williams and Daniels represent the only two times in the 48
years since the death penalty was reinstated that an Indiana governor has
stepped in to spare the lives of condemned prisoners. Both occurred during
Kernan's 16-month tenure.

That fact may say something about Kernan's willingness to take the chance
of being labeled soft on crime. More than that, it speaks to his
willingness to take a new, objective look at the clemency petitions before
him. What he found ought to shake anyone's confidence in Indiana's
application of capital penalties.

In Kernan's words, "I now have encountered two cases where doubt about an
offender's personal responsibility and the quality of the legal process
leading to the capital sentence has led me to grant clemency. These
instances should cause us to take a hard look at how Indiana administers
and reviews capital sentences."

Some people regard capital punishment as a barbaric throwback to frontier
justice. Others believe it is a fitting penalty for murder. We do not see
how even the most ardent advocate of the death penalty can support it
being carried out until the failings in the process have been reviewed and
corrected.

(source: Opinion, South Bend Tribune)






PENNSYLVANIA:

Prosecutors withdraw death penalty for retrial


A Lower Southampton man who won a new trial in August after serving more
than 20 years of a life sentence for murder will not face the death
penalty, lawyers on both sides confirmed Friday.

Dennis Flanagan, 40, was just 17 years old when he pleaded guilty in 1981
to killing James Redman, 26, of Northampton. Witnesses said Flanagan and
his codefendant, George Yacob, then 20, targeted Redman because he was
gay.

The state Supreme Court ruled that Flanagan is entitled to a new trial
because he "lacked a basic understanding of the legal principles" that
were part of his guilty plea.

Flanagan was arraigned in Bucks County court in Doylestown Friday and
entered a not-guilty plea to charges of murder and robbery. Prosecutors
had filed a notice that they would seek the death penalty if Flanagan is
again convicted but withdrew the motion before the hearing.

Flanagans new attorneys, Randall Miller and Ronald Elgart, had argued in
court filings that, under double jeopardy laws, Flanagan cant face capital
punishment because a prior judge heard evidence and then ruled against
imposing the death penalty in 1981.

"The law is clearly on our side," Miller said.

Gray-haired and dressed in a prison jumpsuit, Flanagan did not testify at
the hearing before county Judge John Rufe but answered, "Yes, your honor"
when asked if he understood what was happening in court.

Redmans partially decomposed body was found under a pile of trash inside a
Bensalem industrial park on July 5, 1981. His parents had reported him
missing 2 days before.

Witnesses told police that Flanagan and Yacob bragged that they robbed
Redman and, "struck him with rocks, kicked him in the throat and stabbed
him," court records say. Redmans car was found near the Top of the Hill
Apartments, where Flanagan lived at the time.

Yacob was also convicted and sentenced to life in prison. Miller said
Friday that Yacob has changed his story to police several times.

Miller said he was confident that a jury would find Flanagan not guilty.
The trial is tentatively set for Feb. 14.

"We look forward to getting into court and believe we will be able to
establish Mr. Flanagans innocence," Miller said. "It's going to be a
completely different case than what was presented in 1981."

(source: Bucks County Courier Times)




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