March 30


CALIFORNIA:

Judge to tour death chamber


A San Jose federal judge will conduct a fact-finding tour of San Quentin's
execution chamber Thursday as he assembles evidence to decide a
constitutional challenge to California's lethal injection procedures.

Over the objections of state prison officials, U.S. District Judge Jeremy
Fogel on Wednesday agreed to allow media representatives to accompany him
on the prison trip in response to First Amendment arguments raised by the
Mercury News, Los Angeles Times and Sacramento Bee.

The unusual hearing at San Quentin is part of a challenge to the state's
lethal injection procedure by death row inmate Michael Morales, whose
execution was postponed in February. Fogel has scheduled a two-day
evidentiary hearing in May to consider Morales' argument that the state's
lethal administration of three drugs masks an inmate's excruciating pain
and amounts to cruel and unusual punishment.

There were limits to Fogel's order allowing media, primarily to deal with
prison concerns about protecting the privacy of execution team members and
space constraints for the entourage already expected to accompany Fogel.
The judge is allowing two reporters on the trip, and those reporters will
provide a pool report to other media on his tour of the execution chamber
and the testimony of a prison official involved in the execution process.

The Mercury News and Sacramento Bee will be attending the tour, but cannot
reveal the identity of the prison official providing testimony on the
execution process under the terms of Fogel's order.

Lawyers with the attorney general's office and Morales' defense team also
will join Fogel on the tour.

Morales is one of a growing number of death row inmates around the country
challenging lethal injection, the primary means of execution in the
majority of states with capital punishment. The California case, however,
is producing one of the most thorough reviews of the issue, and could
eventually decide whether the method holds up in the U.S. Supreme Court.

The Supreme Court has never struck down a method of execution.

State officials, who've proposed changes to California's lethal injection
process, argue that the method does not violate the ban on cruel and
unusual punishment.

(source: Mercury News)

************************

Judge to hold hearing at San Quentin to examine execution plan ---- Group
will review plans to cut risk of painful procedure


A federal judge considering a challenge to California's lethal injection
procedures will hold an unusual hearing in San Quentin State Prison today
to examine the state's plans to minimize the risk of a painful execution.

U.S. District Judge Jeremy Fogel will be accompanied by lawyers for
Michael Morales of Stockton, whose execution was postponed at the last
minute Feb. 21 in a dispute over the lethal injection protocol.

Also present will be a two-member press pool. Fogel ordered Wednesday that
they could attend over the state's objections.

Morales, 46, was convicted of raping 17-year-old Terri Winchell and
beating and stabbing her to death near Lodi in January 1981. The courts
rejected his appeals of his death sentence, and Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger
denied clemency, but his lawsuit over lethal injection won him a reprieve.

Like the other 36 states that execute prisoners by injection, California
uses a 3-drug sequence: a sedative, sodium pentothal, to render the inmate
unconscious, followed by paralyzing and heart-stopping drugs. Morales'
suit contends that an inadequate or improperly administered dose of sodium
pentothal could leave the inmate conscious and in agony during the
execution, in violation of the constitutional ban on cruel and unusual
punishment.

Fogel, saying records of recent executions indicated possible problems,
told prison officials last month that they could proceed with Morales'
execution only if a medical professional participated. When officials were
unable to comply -- in part because doctors' organizations consider such
participation unethical -- the judge put the execution on hold and
scheduled a hearing in his San Jose courtroom May 2-3 to decide whether
the state's lethal injection procedures are constitutional.

To meet Fogel's concerns, the state has proposed to change the
administration of the lethal chemicals so that the prisoner receives a
continuous infusion of sodium pentothal to ensure he remains unconscious
throughout the execution. Officials have not said how the constant flow
would be maintained, but their plan does not include any role for a
doctor.

Fogel and the lawyers for both sides are scheduled to visit the prison
today, examine the death chamber and the equipment to be used in future
executions, and question a member of the execution team. The testimony and
evidence will be part of the record for the hearing in May.

The judge originally planned to exclude reporters, but The Chronicle and
several other news organizations argued that today's hearing was part of a
court proceeding that should be open to the media.

Senior Assistant Attorney General Dane Gillette objected, saying reporters
might reveal the identity of the execution team member, who has remained
anonymous along with the rest of the team for security reasons.

But Fogel said two reporters could attend if they agreed in writing not to
reveal, or record in their notes, any identifying information.

(source: San Francisco Chronicle)






USA:

Emotion drives the death penalty debate


Few aspects of American life inspire more controversy and debate than
capital punishment. Accordingly, the debate has spread throughout the
campus as the university's chapter of Amnesty International concluded its
campaign against the death penalty last week. As a member, I experienced
the public discourse first hand.

The controversy surrounding the death penalty often marks the line between
liberal and conservative. Like abortion, capital punishment inspires
debate along ideological lines, and it seems there is no middle ground.
Consequently, debaters become emotionally invested in their argument.
Obviously, one can make an effective argument while utilizing emotion.
Emotion can strengthen the resolve of the arguer as well as his or her
argument. Indeed, my strongest arguments always stem from my emotional
resolve on the subject. I argue best on subjects about which I feel
strongest. However, I try to suppress the emotional facet of any argument.
One should never rely on emotion in constructing any argument. By doing
so, one displaces rationality.

Conservatives tend to invest too much emotion in the death penalty debate.
Consequently, emotion consumes the entire conservative viewpoint. An
argument with a true conservative on the subject of capital punishment
quickly deteriorates into the reliance upon extreme hypothetical
scenarios. This signifies the endpoint of a constructive debate.

In my many debates on capital punishment, my conservative opponents have
always backed into the emotional corner. The facts concerning the death
penalty are inescapable.

Capital punishment has no deterrent value.

States utilizing the death penalty often experience a higher rate of
homicide than states without the death penalty. Capital punishment has
continually proven to be prejudicial. Minority homicide victims are
disproportionately underrepresented in cases seeking the death penalty.
Consequently, a murderer is far more likely to receive the death sentence
if his or her victim is white. From an ideological standpoint, capital
punishment requires a higher standard of justice. Unfortunately, the U.S.
criminal justice system has proven inadequate. State governments severely
shortchange public defense attorneys. Therefore, poor defendants are at a
severe disadvantage. Finally, capital punishment is extremely expensive.
Mississippi will spend more money on a death row inmate than on a lifelong
prisoner.

Confronted with these facts, the conservative opponent turns to
emotionalism. Often, my opponent attributes my convictions to pacifism in
an effort to personalize the argument by saying things like, "So, you
would not kill a known killer?"

When I reply in the negative, I'm a convicted pacifist. This constitutes
the most egregious assault on the public discourse. Please, try to keep an
argument rational.

(source: The Student Printz - This is a column of opinion by Andy Johnson.
Responses to this column can be made through the Printz Editorial Board at
the University Of Southern Mississippi)





**************************

Supreme Court Hears Arguments Over Foreigners' Rights in U.S.


The question before the Supreme Court on Wednesday was whether an
international treaty that protects people embroiled in another country's
criminal justice system gives foreign citizens any specific rights they
can assert in American courts.

There was no dispute that authorities in Oregon and Virginia violated the
treaty, the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations, in the 2 cases that
were before the court in a single extended argument.

Article 36 of the treaty, which the United States ratified in 1969, gives
people who are arrested and detained in a foreign country a right known as
consular notification, which dictates that they be informed that at their
request their country's diplomats will be notified and made available to
advise them.

Neither Moises Sanchez-Llamas, a Mexican who was convicted of attempted
murder in Oregon for shooting a police officer, nor Mario A. Bustillo, a
Honduran convicted of a gang-related murder in Springfield, Va., a
Washington suburb, received the required notice at the time of their
arrests.

The question was what remedy, if any, existed for the violation. Five
lawyers debated the issue: one for each defendant, the solicitors general
of Oregon and Virginia, and a deputy United States solicitor general.

The 3 government officials argued that the treaty governs relationships
between nations, and that the remedy for a violation of consular
notification was limited to a diplomatic protest or formal apology. The
United States in fact issued a formal apology to Honduras in the case of
Mr. Bustillo, who is serving a 30-year sentence for the 1997 killing.

The lawyers for the defendants argued that so limited a view ran counter
to the undisputed principle that a treaty, once ratified, becomes part of
a country's domestic law. Consequently, they argued, foreign defendants
should have access to the same remedies that the legal system offers for
government violations of rights protected by American law.

Accordingly, Mr. Sanchez-Llamas is arguing that incriminating statements
he made to the police be suppressed because he had not received his
consular notification at the time he made them. His lawyer's argument that
such an exclusion should apply - similar to the rule that bars the
introduction of illegally seized evidence - was rejected by the Oregon
Supreme Court and did not make much headway with the justices on
Wednesday.

After the lawyer, Peter Gartlan, acknowledged that the Vienna Convention
says nothing about suppressing evidence, Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr.
asked, "So if the treaty doesn't say 'suppress,' what authority does a
federal court have to tell a state court to suppress?"

The other defendant, Mr. Bustillo, is arguing that he is entitled to
reversal of his conviction on the ground that Honduran officials, had they
been notified of his arrest, would have helped identify another Honduran
man who returned to Honduras after the murder and who, Mr. Bustillo
asserts, was the real killer.

His lawyer, Mark T. Stancil, argued that because Virginia was not forced
to reopen the case to permit the new evidence, the state was able to
benefit from its violation of the Vienna Convention.

Here, too, the justices were skeptical. Several suggested that the fact
that Mr. Bustillo had been provided with a lawyer was enough to insulate
any Vienna Convention violation. The state, they said, had a right to
expect that lawyers would inform their clients of their Vienna Convention
rights.

"The lawyer should be taxed with knowing it because it's the law of the
land," Justice David H. Souter said, referring to the treaty.

The International Court of Justice, often referred to as the World Court,
takes the view that the convention confers individual rights. It ruled in
2004, in a case brought by Mexico, that the United States could not permit
the execution of 51 Mexicans, on death row in various states, who had not
received their consular notification.

After that ruling, and while a Supreme Court appeal brought by one of the
Mexicans, Jos Ernesto Medelln, was pending, the Bush administration
withdrew the United States from the provision of the treaty that gives the
World Court jurisdiction over disputes of this kind. At the same time, the
administration told state courts to abide by the decision. The Supreme
Court dismissed the Medelln case last May without ruling on the
enforceability of the Vienna Convention.

Deputy Solicitor General Gregory G. Garre was asked about the World
Court's position by Justice Stephen G. Breyer, who referred to that court
by its initials, I. C J.

Mr. Garre replied, "To be blunt, the I. C. J. decision is wrong." He said
that while the World Court was entitled to "respectful consideration," its
decision was "certainly not" binding on the United States.

Mr. Garre said that the State Department was making "extensive efforts" to
make sure state and local governments were aware of the need to inform
foreign defendants of the right to consular notification. The department
has distributed 600,000 cards to police departments, he said, adding,
"These efforts are working."

But it appeared that Vienna Convention issues would probably not
disappear. Justice Anthony M. Kennedy asked Mary H. Williams, the Oregon
solicitor general, why the police, who already give Miranda warnings,
could not simply be told to ascertain the citizenship of people they take
into custody so that the required notice could be given.

That was "not so easy," said Ms. Williams.

"I don't see why it's so complicated," Justice Kennedy said. He was joined
by Justice Souter, who asked Ms. Williams, "You ask his name, why not his
citizenship?"

Ms. Williams replied, "We're moving toward that goal."

Justice Souter was less than satisfied. "Why does it have to be a distant
goal?" he asked.

The cases are Sanchez-Llamas v. Oregon, No. 04-10566, and Bustillo v.
Johnson, No. 05-51.

(source: The New York Times)

*****************

Foreigners want new trials because they were never told they could contact
consulates


Lawyers for 2 foreign nationals found guilty of violent crimes tried to
convince the Supreme Court on Wednesday that those convictions should be
thrown out, because the men were not told they could contact their
consulates before talking to police.

But the justices appeared skeptical that the oversight would justify
suppressing the evidence that led to the guilty verdicts.

The 2 cases, which are being considered together by the high court, were
brought by Mario Bustillo, a Honduran convicted of killing a Virginia
teenager with a baseball bat in 1999, and Moises Sanchez-Llamas, a Mexican
found guilty of attempted murder in the shooting of an Oregon police
officer in 1997.

Lawyers for both men said the Vienna Convention, a treaty signed by the
United States in 1969, required American officials to contact the
embassies of foreign nationals "without delay."

It is not enough for arrested foreigners to be told they can remain
silent, hire a lawyer or have a lawyer appointed, the Miranda rights
extended to Sanchez-Llamas, said his attorney, Peter Gartlan.

"Foreign nationals have a fourth option" - to immediately contact their
consulate, Gartlan said. Failure to observe that right, he said, should
compel prosecutors to throw out all evidence obtained by police from
interrogations.

Vienna Convention

The high court justices on Wednesday did not appear to buy the argument of
the convicted men's attorneys.

Justice Antonin Scalia said the Vienna Convention set up a mechanism for
one country to protest the actions of another country toward its citizens,
not establish a set of individual rights for foreign nationals.

He also noted that no other country has interpreted the treaty as
requiring evidence obtained before consular notification to be suppressed.

"It is implausible that we signed a treaty that requires us to suppress
(evidence from interrogations), but it lets other countries do what they
like," Scalia said.

Justice Stephen Breyer said he was inclined to accept that the men's
rights under the treaty had been violated. But he said he doubted that
suppressing evidence obtained by police was the proper remedy.

Ruling expected by July

The court is expected to rule on the cases before July. The decision could
have an impact on thousands of foreigners in U.S. jails and prisons. In
Texas, 10,205 inmates claimed to be citizens of a foreign country at the
end of 2005, according to the state's Department of Corrections. Medellin
is 1 of 17 Mexicans on Texas' death row.

The Vienna Convention, signed by 168 countries, established the ground
rules under which countries must treat the citizens of other nations that
signed it.

But Gregory Garre, U.S. deputy solicitor general who argued Wednesday in
support of the states of Virginia and Oregon, said the treaty set up ways
for governments to address violations through diplomatic channels. It did
not give Americans overseas or foreigners in the United States individual
rights not granted the citizens of those countries, he said.

Several justices suggested that police need to make a better effort to let
foreigners know they have the right to contact their country's officials.
"It's not like rocket science. Give the advice. End of case," said Justice
Anthony Kennedy.

(source: Houston Chronicle)

********************

The Cost Of Errant Justice


A March 6 Post editorial lamented the District's appallingly low homicide
closure rate. Last year just 43 % of all known homicides reported to the
D.C. police department resulted in a prosecution. While this number is
low, it turns out that the problem -- most serious offenders evading
punishment -- is not unique to the District. Consider the roughly 15
million felony victimizations that occur annually in the United States.

Just half of these are reported to the police, and only a million or so
defendants in those cases are convicted, leaving well over 10 million
failures each year to convict serious, culpable offenders.

Errors on the other side -- wrongful convictions -- are equally
noteworthy, even if less frequent. Estimates of erroneous convictions
range from 0.5 % to about 1.3 percent, suggesting something like 10,000
wrongful convictions annually. Civil libertarians have compiled a list of
people convicted of capital murder and later exonerated. In 2001
then-Justice Sandra Day O'Connor cited 90 such releases since 1973. At
last count the number had risen to 175.

But the problem of such errors is more than a matter of counting misses on
both plates of the scale of justice. Even if there are many more failures
to convict than wrongful convictions -- and even if no one has been
wrongfully executed in the 30 years since the Supreme Court reinstated the
death penalty (no one really knows) -- wrongful imprisonments impose huge
costs on innocent people: loss of freedom, lost companionship of loved
ones, lost livelihoods and difficulty getting decent jobs after years in
prison. And they impose parallel losses on families and friends of the
wrongfully convicted and services lost to the community. These are
extremely costly errors.

And they are gross injustices. Perhaps the greatest cost of wrongful
convictions is their corrosive effect on the legitimacy of the criminal
justice system. Typically a product of erroneous witness identification
and bad luck, wrongful convictions seriously undermine the public's
confidence in police, prosecutors and the courts. They are double errors,
reflecting also failures to bring to justice those who actually committed
the acts, sometimes enabling the commission of further crimes.

In his last days in office as Virginia's governor, Mark Warner took
unprecedented action to deal with the problem. He ordered thousands of
decades-old cases involving DNA evidence to be reopened following the
discovery of files containing meticulously preserved samples of blood,
semen and saliva, ready for retesting using technology that had not been
available when the evidence was originally collected. DNA analysis of
evidence in a small sample of these cases induced Warner to pardon 2
inmates wrongfully convicted of rape. This work to expose and correct
errors of justice -- and to validate the accuracy of other old cases --
may prove to be Warner's greatest legacy, not only to Virginia but to the
nation's criminal justice system.

Some errors of justice are inevitable, but we could manage them much more
effectively than we do. Sophisticated systems are in place to manage
mistakes in other fields: scientific research and production processes,
for example, or to balance the risk of loss against the yield in financial
portfolios. And yet no such systems exist with regard to the vitally
important business of determining guilt or innocence in criminal cases.

This can be fixed. The use of modern management methods and more
widespread availability of effective forensic technology could go a long
way to solve more of these crimes and reduce both types of error. DNA
evidence gives us a unique window into errors for those crimes for which
the evidence is available and relevant. We can use this window to estimate
rates of errors for those crimes. We can do more to assess the social
costs of both wrongful convictions and nonconvictions for each major crime
category: The costs to the community of failures to convict serial rapists
and one-time shoplifters are clearly in different leagues. We can learn
more about the relationships between police and prosecution policies and
errors of justice. And in old, settled cases with valid DNA evidence, as
in Virginia, we may be able to find further errors of justice and correct
them. Better late than never.

(source: The Washington Post; The writer, Brian Forst, is professor of
justice, law and society at American University's School of Public Affairs
and the author of "Errors of Justice: Nature, Sources and Remedies.")





**********************

Painful deaths OK for death row


In 1989, Michael Taylor raped and murdered 15-year-old Ann Harrison. In
1991 Taylor was sentenced to death and in January 2006 Taylor's execution
was delayed when he decided to challenge the use of lethal injection.

I completely agree that lethal injection should not be used as a means of
execution. However, Taylor's views run a completely different path.

According to missourideathrow.com, Taylor claims "lethal injection is
cruel and unusual punishment; a violation of the Constitution."

You know what I think is cruel and unusual punishment? Waiting for a bus,
going home and being raped and stabbed to death for no reason.

Lethal injection is not cruel and unusual; Taylor has obviously been in
jail too long and hasn't had the time to do any research.

Lethal injection is known as a completely humane way to end a prisoner's
life. However, humane is not a word that should be associated with the
death penalty unless the word 'not' is in front of it. Making their death
painless just doesn't seem right. They deserve to experience the same pain
they put upon their victims.

Has your family ever had to put down a pet? When you were younger you
probably referred to it as "putting your pet to sleep." Your parents or
the veterinarian told you it was going to be quick and they wouldn't feel
a thing. They were right.

In the rare cases when somebody actually does get executed (because more
people die while just sitting on death row), that's exactly how they are
killed too.

For those of you unfamiliar with the process, let's go over it briefly:
The inmate is strapped to a gurney and hooked up to an IV where a harmless
saline solution is started immediately.

They are then injected with sodium thiopental, which is an anesthetic that
puts them to sleep. I might as well just stop there because it really
doesn't matter what happens next because those of you who have had surgery
know you can't feel anything once the anesthesia kicks in.

But for the sake of those who are intrigued, I'll continue.

Once the inmate is unconscious, either pavulon or pancuronium bromide is
injected to paralyze the entire muscle system and stop the breathing.

This is followed by potassium chloride, which then stops the heart, death
then results from anesthetic overdose and respiratory and cardiac arrest;
all happening when the inmate (or pet) is unconscious. If I were to choose
the way I die, this would definitely be it.

Instead of "putting inmates to sleep," I have come up with alternate
solutions that would not only reduce the number of inmates on death row
but also make it fun for others in the process.

The most logical solution that I have found is to bring back the firing
squad method. Just line up everyone on death row and either give the
military target practice or let the families of the victims do it. It's
cheap, fast and for a brief second they will get a glimpse into how their
victim felt.

Comedian George Carlin had a good idea when he said we should wall off the
four "square" states (Utah, Colorado, Wyoming and Kansas) and put one type
of hardened criminal in each state, supplying each group with everything
they wanted. Gates connecting the states would be opened briefly each
month. Not only would it be survival of the fittest, but it also could be
turned into a reality show.

The only problem I have with that method is we'd have to evacuate those
states of normal citizens and I personally have always wanted to go to
Coors Field.

My favorite idea is to retract all the troops from Iraq and send them back
home to their families. Give everyone on death row a gun (because many of
them are familiar with how to use them) and send them overseas to do our
dirty work. It's a win-win-win situation. Either we win the war, they die
or they escape but are now lost in the desert halfway around the world
with no money.

It'd be like when the British sent all their prisoners over to Australia.

Let's screw up another country for a change.

Point being, the men and women on death row obviously committed a crime
that more than likely resulted in the death of at least one productive
member of society. We are essentially rewarding their unforgiving behavior
by making their own death painless. They should be lucky they are getting
off with such an easy death because the murders they committed to end up
on death row were probably far from painless.

(source: K.C. Vetter, Western Courier - Western Illinois University)






IOWA:

Judge To Decide If Vela "Fit" For Death Penalty -- It is now up to a judge
to decide whether convicted U.S. Bank killer, Erik vela, should be tried
for the state's death penalty.


In final arguments, in Madison County, Nebraska, court, Wednesday, Vela's
defense team said they have shown their burden and have proven that Vela
is mentally retarded. They say an IQ test administered by a doctor proves
it with a score of 66, which is below the state guidelines.

The prosecution says the doctor, who administered that test, misused it
and there are 3 other tests that show his scores above the line. While the
defense declined to comment, the prosecution says they are pleased with
the progress. "I'm satisfied with the way it went," said Joe Smith,
Madison County Attorney. "I'm satisfied that we were able to finish it up
today. I thought the evidence went well and I thought it was fair for
everybody."

But the members of the front bench weren't the only ones taking a deep
breath. The parents of Erik Vela's victim, bank employee Lisa Bryant, have
also been there from the beginning. They say at first they thought life in
prison was a fitting sentence, but after hearing the testimonies of life
in prison, their opinion has changed. "The one thing that they dread is
the death sentence," said Larry Bryant. "So, I guess that's kind of what
they deserve."

The judge will take some time to review some last minute evidence and
testimony before he delivers his judgment. It could be weeks before we
hear his ruling.

(source: KTIV News)






SOUTH CAROLINA:

State Okays Death Penalty for Repeat Child Rapists


In another effort by state legislators to beef up "Jessica Law" penalties
for repeat child molesters, the South Carolina Senate has voted for a bill
that would allow prosecutors to seek the death penalty for sex offenders
who are convicted twice of raping a child under 11 years old.

The death penalty provision, part of a bill that increases minimum
sentences and provides for lifetime monitoring for some sex offenders, may
end up being a test case before the U.S. Supreme Court.

In 1997, the Supreme Court ruled that a Georgia law providing for the
death penalty for a rape involving an adult victim was unconstitutional,
but the court has not ruled on cases involving the rape of a child.

The court declined to review a Louisiana Supreme Court ruling that upheld
that state's death penalty for rapists of children under 12 years old.

South Carolina Attorney General Henry McMaster told lawmakers he would
gladly argue the case before the U.S. Supreme Court, but he believes other
states will also pass similar laws before any challenge to the law could
be argued.

Several states have adopted tougher laws against child molesters since the
kidnapping and murder of Jessica Lunsford by a repeat sex offender brought
loopholes in the sexual offender laws to light.

(source: Crime.About.com)




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