Sept. 15 ASIA: A proposal to curb Asia's over-active death row George Orwell's famous account of a hanging in colonial Burma provides a compelling critique of the death penalty. Walking behind the condemned man on the way to the gallows, Orwell noticed him step slightly aside to avoid a puddle on the path. "It is curious, but till that moment I had never realised what it means to destroy a healthy, conscious man," he wrote. "When I saw the prisoner step aside to avoid the puddle, I saw the mystery, the unspeakable wrongness, of cutting a life short when it is in full tide. This man was not dying, he was alive just as we were alive ... his brain still remembered, foresaw, reasoned -- reasoned even about puddles." If you were to judge from the western press you might think this kind of gruesome scene takes place most often in the American boondocks. But while it is always good sport to criticise the US, in terms of lives lost it is marginal. Asia -- the region in which Orwell's essay was set -- is the world's best practice when it comes to executing people, accounting for well over 80 % of known executions worldwide: 15 Asian states retain the death penalty; their execution methods include hanging, shooting and lethal injection. Singapore scores the world's highest per capita execution rate, with more than 400 hung since 1991, according to United Nations figures. China, meanwhile, is the death-penalty superpower, executing at least 1,770 people last year, according to Amnesty International. The true total is likely to be much higher but, like a number of Asian states (but unlike the muchmaligned US), China refuses to provide official statistics on death sentences passed and executions carried out. However, the news is not all bad for those Asians who oppose capital punishment. Five Asian states have abolished the death penalty in the past decade: Cambodia, Nepal, Timor-Leste, Bhutan and the Philippines, where President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo signed a bill outlawing the death penalty in June. To build on this momentum, abolitionist states in the region should establish a coalition against the death penalty. Support and counsel from Europe would be welcome but in order to forestall any claims about neocolonialism, the running should be made by Asian leaders. The coalition should be guided by a single consideration: effectiveness. Rather than issuing loud condemnations and raising indiscriminate trade sanctions, which would be unlikely to save a single life, it should look for creative ways to nudge regional countries toward abolition. There are several ways to structure the coalition's work, none of which would involve megaphones. It could be politic to start with de facto abolitionist countries (such as Burma) and seek to move them up the spectrum towards formal abolition. It could focus initially on liberal democracies, which tend to be easier to influence than more closed societies. A particular opportunity exists in South Korea, which has not executed anyone since 1998 but maintains a death row of 60-odd individuals. There is a growing abolitionist movement in the country, supported by Kim Daejung, former president. A similar debate is stirring in Malaysia. Ultimately this issue will be decided in Seoul and Kuala Lumpur, but a regional grouping may be able to influence the thinking in these and other capitals. Rather than simply demanding immediate universal abolition, the coalition should employ more nuanced strategies. It could, for example, encourage retentionist countries to restrict the number and type of offences for which capital punishment is imposed, abolish mandatory death penalties, release comprehensive official statistics on regional executions and institute safeguards to protect the basic rights of those on death row. The coalition could also consider appointing a high-level advisory body composed of eminent people, in order to generate ideas and provide political cover. A good model for such a body was Canada's International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, which first identified the collective international "responsibility to protect" civilians in the case of genocide, ethnic cleansing and egregious human rights violations. The task for abolitionists is extremely difficult but not hopeless. If advocates in Asia put a shoulder to this wheel, they may be able to move it a good distance. Certainly, wheels rarely shift without being pushed. (source: Michael Fullilove--The Financial Express -- the writer directs the global issues programme at the Lowy Institute for International Policy in Sydney) JAPAN: Ex-cult guru to hang for Tokyo gas attack A former cult leader who masterminded a poison gas attack on Tokyo subway trains in 1995 had his appeal against the death penalty rejected by Japan's Supreme Court on Friday. Lawyers for Shoko Asahara, 51, had argued that the former leader of Aum Shinri Kyo, or Supreme Truth Sect, was mentally incompetent and called for the case be suspended. Asahara, whose real name is Chizuo Matsumoto, was found responsible for gassings on Tokyo rush-hour trains that killed 12 and sickened thousands, and was sentenced to death by a Tokyo court in February 2004 for murder and attempted murder. The attack injured about 5,500 people, some permanently, when members of the cult released sarin, a lethal nerve gas first developed but not used by the Nazis in World War Two. Japan does not announce dates of executions, which are by hanging, in advance of them being carried out. The gassing, with its images of bodies lying across platforms and soldiers in gas masks sealing off Tokyo subway stations, stunned the Japanese public and shattered the country's self-image as a haven of public safety. "I really have long wanted this death penalty verdict. I really feel it's been a long time," said Shizue Takahashi, 59, a representative of the Subway Sarin Incident Victims Association, who lost her husband in the attack. The nearly blind Asahara was also found guilty of other charges including a series of crimes that killed 15 people. The son of a poor maker of "tatami" straw mats, Asahara graduated from a school for the blind before working as an acupuncturist and amassing wealth with sales of Chinese medicine in the early 1980s. He later studied yoga and started a school to teach it, going on to set up the cult in 1987, mixing Buddhist and Hindu meditation with apocalyptic teachings. Under Asahara, who had predicted that the United States would attack Japan and turn it into a nuclear wasteland, followers submitted to an ascetic communal life and performed rites such as swallowing water and then vomiting it up to "purify" them. At its peak, the cult boasted at least 10,000 members in Japan and overseas, including some who had studied science at the nation's elite universities. Raids on the cult's sprawling complexes at the foot of Mount Fuji after the subway attack uncovered stockpiles of high-tech equipment and dangerous chemicals. Aum Shinri Kyo, which admitted involvement in the subway gassing, later changed its name to Aleph, the first letter of the Hebrew alphabet. Its leaders insist the cult is now benign, but Japanese authorities still keep its membership of more than 1,000 under surveillance. In 2004, a Tokyo university revoked its acceptance of a 20-year-old woman after discovering she was Asahara's daughter, saying her presence could be disruptive. (source: ChinaPost, Taiwan) *************************** Colleagues of lawyer murdered by AUM express anger at leader Asahara's silence Colleagues of anti-AUM Shinrikyo lawyer Tsutsumi Sakamoto, who, along with his family, was murdered by cultists, have expressed anger and displeasure at cult founder Shoko Asahara for refusing to talk about the incident during his trial. "We are deeply disappointed and angry at him for refusing to say anything about the incident during his trial and withdrawing into his own world," the colleagues said in a statement they released at a news conference. Lawyers belonging to Yokohama legal firm of which Sakamoto was a member held the news conference Friday night, after the Supreme Court dismissed an appeal filed by Asahara against the death sentence he was given for masterminding crimes including the murder of Sakamoto and his family. "I think he deserves the death penalty," said lawyer Shuichi Kojima, who launched a campaign to rescue the Sakamotos immediately after they went missing in 1989. "I feel like taking him to the murder scene and interrogating him over the incident myself, but it's impossible. There's nothing I can expect from him." He also quoted Sakamoto's mother, Sachiyo, as telling him that she wants to quietly remember the victims. On the order of Asahara, AUM members murdered Sakamoto, 33, who was supporting the families of cult followers, his wife, Satoko, 29, and their 1-year-old son Tatsuhiko in November 1989. (source: Mainichi Daily News, Japan) ****************************** Japan court sets cult guru death penalty Japan's Supreme Court rejected an appeal against the death sentence for the former leader of a doomsday cult on Friday, clearing the way for him to be hanged for masterminding a 1995 subway gas attack, Japanese media said. Lawyers for Shoko Asahara, 51, had argued that the former leader of Aum Shinri Kyo was mentally incompetent. Asahara, whose real name is Chizuo Matsumoto, was found guilty in the gassing on Tokyo rush-hour trains that killed 12 and sickened thousands, and was sentenced to death by a Tokyo court in February 2004. (source: Reuters) JAMAICA: Death penalty up for debate Parliament will have to decide whether it will retain or remove the death penalty from the new Charter of Rights Bill. Dr. Peter Phillips, Leader of Government Business in the House of Representatives, told Parliament on Tuesday that the joint select committee which considered the legislation had not made any recommendation in relation to the death penalty. The committee's report was also tabled in the House on Tuesday. Dr. Phillips said there were two matters on which it made no recommendation in relation to the death penalty. Right to life "These 2 matters were the questions (as to) whether the provisions creating the death sentence exceptions to the right to life and to protection from torture or inhuman or degrading punishment or other treatment, should be retained or deleted from the charter," said Dr. Phillips. He said the provisions will be retained for the time being, pending a determination of that question by Parliament. That determination, the report suggests, could be made on a free-conscience vote. Dr. Phillips said another matter to be determined by Parliament is the question of whether there should be a constitutional guarantee of the right to trial by jury and how that right should be formulated. The committee has also left it to Parliament to decide on the precise formulation of new provisions for the right to vote. (source: Jamaica Gleaner) PHILLIPPINES: 34 Years Since Martial Law, Despotism Still Haunts Filipinos 4 years ago, Dee Batnag-Ayroso, a 37-year-old mother of two, lost her husband Honorio when gunmen abducted him. Honorio was never found. And much as Dee still wants to cling to the hope that he's still alive somewhere, the continuing killings and abductions of Honorio's fellow activists heightens her desperation. Dee was in her home last month when she heard on the radio that Ernesto Ladica, a member of the leftist political party Bayan Muna, was shot dead while having coffee with his three sons outside their home in Misamis Oriental. Dee's husband was also a member of Bayan Muna; many of the victims of these murders and forced disappearances were members and leaders of this group. In the past few weeks, more activists and peasant and tribal leaders were shot dead in separate incidents. These murders brought to more than 750 the number of activists killed since President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo took power in 2001. Nearly 200 activists have gone missing since 2001. 2 of the latest desaparecidos were young student activists from the University of the Philippines who were abducted in the dead of night in July just north of Manila by men believed to be soldiers. To many, the killings and abductions are a grim reminder that the age of despotism has not really died with Ferdinand Marcos, the dictator who, exactly 34 years ago next week, on Sept. 21, 1972, declared martial law and plunged the country into one of its darkest and most violent periods. Indeed, the similarities of the atrocities then and now are chilling. Hooded men knocking down doors in the dead of night. Assassins on motorcycles. Killers shooting victims in cold blood, often in close range. Anguished relatives looking for answers and, most important of all, justice. "The latest killings and abductions still make me feel cold inside, like how I felt 4 years ago," Dee said. "I am saddened but mostly enraged at what keeps happening, at the injustice everywhere." The murder of Ernesto Ladica and hundreds of others, and the continued disappearance of Honorio Ayroso and dozens more, has become a grim reality that is increasingly consuming a country that, for decades under Ferdinand Marcos, suffered these same atrocities and thought that the nightmare would end with the ouster of the dictator in 1986. Dee, as well as critics and relatives of victims, believe the military to be behind the murders and abductions. They have also denounced Arroyo for allegedly officially sanctioning these. In her State of the Nation Address before Congress in July, Arroyo condemned the killings but, in the same breath, praised army general Jovito Palparan, who has been accused of being behind many of these murders and abductions, for his campaign against the Left. Palparan, Arroyo said, has "come to grips with the enemy." International human-rights groups urged Arroyo to do more. "She must now show she means business by implementing concrete measures to prevent the deaths of more activists," said Tim Parritt, deputy director of Amnesty International in a statement last month. The Hongkong-based Asian Human Rights Commission, which completed a fact-finding mission in the Philippines last month, expressed alarm over the wave of violence and the government's allegedly ineffective and inconsistent responses. In July, the new papal nuncio to the Philippines, Archbishop Fernando Filoni, weighed in with these words: "I am surprised to see that in the Philippines there is still an activity of high incidence of a moral and political violence against those who profess different political ideologies." He implied that the government was behind the killings. "It will truly be a contradiction, if on the one hand, we practically abolished the death penalty and yet on the other hand we are not respecting or implementing the rights of the human race," referring to Arroyo's abolition of the death-penalty law, which she had said was here "gift" to the Vatican during an audience with the Pope in June. The Commission on Human Rights, an independent constitutional body, said the killings are the responsibility of government. "We couldn't care less what colors the killers are. Is the government so helpless?" said the commission's chairman, Purificacion Quisumbing, in May. The commission said the Philippines was in danger of being blacklisted by the United Nations for failing to submit reports on human-rights abuses over the past decade. This failure has been roundly criticized by human rights advocates as proof of the government's alleged disregard of, if cavalier attitude toward, human rights. The Philippines is a signatory to several human-rights treaties and was recently elected as a member of the UN Human Rights Council, an election that the Arroyo administration trumpeted as a testament to its respect for human rights. Oscar Calderon, the head of a police task force investigating the killings, had earlier cleared Palparan. The general, Calderon said, "was never implicated in any of our investigations." The government has repeatedly said that it was not behind the killings, that there was no state policy against activists, and that, it said, the murders were perpetrated by the communists themselves and pin the blame on the government. In June, Arroyo created a team to investigate the murders. "Those who perpetrated these senseless killings will not go far," said Ignacio Bunye, Arroyo's spokesman. "The law enforcement authorities are on their tracks and we need the cooperation and support of all concerned sectors to get them." Arroyo, in a trip to Europe this week, trumpeted her administration's efforts to solve these killings and uphold human rights. Palparan, meanwhile, dismissed the allegations against him. The killings "are being attributed to me, but I did not kill them," he told the Philippine Daily Inquirer last month. "We are not admitting responsibility here," he said, adding: "What I'm saying is that these are necessary incidents." He said he "just inspired" the killers. This month, the administration, in a gesture widely believed by many to be an endorsement of Palparan's allegedly murderous methods against the Left, floated the idea of naming Palparan deputy National Security Adviser. He would be tasked mainly with counter-insurgency matters. Satur Ocampo, a congressman who leads Bayan Muna, blamed Arroyo for the wave of extrajudicial killings and for sanctioning the allegedly extrajudicial methods of Palparan. "Mrs. Arroyo's public display of admiration for General Palparan is a shameful endorsement of his terrorist mindset and terrorist acts against all activists and its role in her total war," Ocampo said. Karapatan, meanwhile, said it noticed an increase of the killings and disappearances of civilians since Arroyo declared, on June 17, an "all-out war" campaign against the communist insurgency, which she vowed to crush between 2 to 5 years. Most of the recent murders, it said, occurred in the provinces the government had earlier identified as its priority areas for a counter-insurgency program that seeks to "neutralize and destroy the political infrastructure" of the Communists. But Jessica Soto, the executive director of Amnesty International in the Philippines, believes that there's more to this campaign than anti-communism. The killings, she said, are meant to discourage dissent. "This is an assault against dissent in general," she said in an interview. The government, Soto said, is using McCarthyism once again to legitimize its campaign against those who wish to undermine it. Soto argued that the killings, in a way, are much worse today than during Marcos's time. "The killings during the Marcos years took place under martial law. There was a clear dictatorship. Activists during that time were sitting ducks but they knew what they were up against," Soto said. "But we've since won back democracy, and in a democracy, you're not supposed to kill a person just because you did not agree with his beliefs." Soto and other critics of the government argue that the campaign against the Left intensified after allegations that Arroyo cheated in the elections surfaced and damaged her administration's credibility and stability. The government has often accused the Left of conspiring with rightist elements in the military in attempts to overthrow it. "Arroyo's desperate pursuit for political survival has virtually turned her into a new dictator and the nation in a state of undeclared martial law," said Marie Hilao-Enriquez, the secretary-general of Karapatan. Leaders of the Left were among those who filed the impeachment complaint against Arroyo last year. They have always been the noisiest, most vociferous critics of the government, and are able to mass thousands in the streets. Bayan Muna has been spearheading most of these anti-government demonstrations. After surviving impeachment and alleged coups d'etat, Arroyo cracked down on the Left by outlawing demonstrations and arresting Leftist leaders, even as the killings continued particularly in the provinces. Prior to this, officials demonized the open and legal groups such as Bayan Muna, accusing them of being communist fronts and of allegedly funneling money from Congress to the insurgency. Leaders of the Left vehemently denied this charge and challenged the government to prove its case in court. Leftists also see a confluence of interests at play between the Arroyo administration and the military. Arroyo came to power and survived several coup attempts because of the support of the military. Also, one of the nagging and most damning accusations against her is her alleged use of some members of the military to cheat in the 2004 elections. In return for these favors, Leftists have said, Arroyo had given the military a free hand in dealing with the three-decade-old communist insurgency. The problem now, however, is that, due to the extrajudicial nature of the campaign against the Left, "no one is actually in control," Soto of Amnesty International said. "And if the government is not in control of a situation like this, it's dangerous for all of us." Malu Cadelia-Manar, a hard-hitting radio commentator and newspaper correspondent in the violent south, knows this danger only too well. In May, the military accused her of being a member of the New People's Army, the armed wing of the communist party, after she contradicted, through her reports, the army's propaganda against the communists. Aside from actually being called a communist by a military officer, Manar received a package in May that contained a manila paper scribbled with these words: "Death to supporters of the NPA." The experience unnerved Manar who, a few months earlier, had to move out of her city after receiving death threats. "It would seem to me that these accusations would be a justification for harming me," the 35-year-old journalist said in an interview. She subsequently filed a complaint against the army. To victims like Dee Batnag-Ayroso, one of the ways to end the nightmare is to remove the president. It would be part, she said, of the healing process. "There's still hope for justice when Arroyo is ousted," she said. Tragic as it may seem, that' is exactly what many victims of Marcos's abuses thought at the height of the dictatorship's atrocities. (source: Davao Today)
[Deathpenalty] death penalty news----worldwide
Rick Halperin Sun, 17 Sep 2006 22:23:28 -0500 (Central Daylight Time)
- [Deathpenalty] death penalty news----worldwide Rick Halperin
- [Deathpenalty] death penalty news----worldwide Rick Halperin
- [Deathpenalty] death penalty news----worldwide Rick Halperin
- [Deathpenalty] death penalty news----worldwide Rick Halperin
- [Deathpenalty] death penalty news----worldwide Rick Halperin
- [Deathpenalty] death penalty news----worldwide Rick Halperin
- [Deathpenalty] death penalty news----worldwide Rick Halperin
- [Deathpenalty] death penalty news----worldwide Rick Halperin
- [Deathpenalty] death penalty news----worldwide Rick Halperin
- [Deathpenalty] death penalty news----worldwide Rick Halperin
- [Deathpenalty] death penalty news----worldwide Rick Halperin
- [Deathpenalty] death penalty news----worldwide Rick Halperin
- [Deathpenalty] death penalty news----worldwide Rick Halperin
- [Deathpenalty] death penalty news----worldwide Rick Halperin
- [Deathpenalty] death penalty news----worldwide Rick Halperin
- [Deathpenalty] death penalty news----worldwide Rick Halperin
- [Deathpenalty] death penalty news----worldwide Rick Halperin
- [Deathpenalty] death penalty news----worldwide Rick Halperin
- [Deathpenalty] death penalty news----worldwide Rick Halperin
- [Deathpenalty] death penalty news----worldwide Rick Halperin
- [Deathpenalty] death penalty news----worldwide Rick Halperin