July 20 MARYLAND: Home grown spies----Our view: State Police unit overstepped its bounds As revealed in a series of computer logs, the undercover operations of a Maryland State Police unit are an embarrassing assault on citizens' rights to peacefully protest the actions of their government. Hundreds of hours spent spying on a bunch of peaceniks and death penalty opponents who meet to drum up support for their causes? The idea that these groups, identified in state documents obtained by the American Civil Liberties Union of Maryland, were potential threats would be laughable if it wasn't scary. What's truly chilling is that the same State Police unit behind these misguided operations is still in business. As the ACLU has shown all too clearly, domestic spying is not solely the preoccupation of the Bush White House. The Maryland branch sought government documents after learning about surveillance work by a "Baltimore intel unit," information revealed in the criminal prosecution of a peace group. In 2005 and 2006, members of the Homeland Security and Intelligence Division dispatched undercover agents to meetings and events of the Baltimore Pledge of Resistance, an anti-war group, the Baltimore Coalition Against the Death Penalty and the Committee to Save Vernon Evans, a death row inmate. What's egregious, and potentially unlawful, is that they monitored the groups even though they observed no illegal or criminal activity by them. Investigators kept detailed notes about the political views and activities of individuals. A serious consequence of this unchecked, unwarranted surveillance is that the names of innocent Marylanders may have been entered into a slew of federal law enforcement databases, including a drug trafficking one. The surveillance took place under a previous administration. And while Gov. Martin O'Malley and State Police Superintendent Terence B. Sheridan said the police units haven't interfered with citizens who lawfully exercise their free speech rights, they should have condemned this operation as a huge waste of taxpayer dollars. They also should investigate how the surveillance began and why it continued so long in the absence of any criminal activity. The State Police should make public data on any other group its spied on unnecessarily. And every effort should be made to remove from federal databases the names of innocent individuals targeted by the police unit. Their reputations have been needlessly sullied. (source: Editorial, Baltimore Sun) CALIFORNIA: Experts say Alvarez death penalty arguments fell short Legal and capital punishment experts say prosecutors who argued strongly for the death sentence for 29-year-old convicted murderer Juan Manuel Alvarez had little chance of winning that recommendation from the jury. On Tuesday a jury of 9 women and 3 men rejected the prosecution's call for the death penalty, instead believing the defense's contention that Alvarez had not meant to kill or harm anyone. The panel sentenced him to life in prison without the possibility of parole for the deadly Jan. 26, 2005, crash. Experts say prosecutors failed to make their case for death - but note that they also were up against a high standard of proof and faced a defendant with a sympathetic personal story that in the end helped spare his life. "The evidence, the story the prosecution told about the defendant's intent to kill people, didn't persuade the jury," said Peter L. Arenella, a UCLA law professor and expert on criminal procedure who followed the case. "The jurors who were interviewed made it pretty clear that while they felt he was doing something terrible to attract attention, it wasn't his desire to kill anybody on that train," Arenella said. "And without that type of intent to kill, generally juries are going to be reluctant to impose the death penalty when you have the alternative of life imprisonment without any possibility of parole." Diane Marie Amann, a University of California, Davis, law professor, said prosecutors were also unable to convince the jury Alvarez deserved death because of his horrendous childhood - having been beaten repeatedly by his father and sexually molested by an uncle. "I think that although you have the tragedy of so many lives lost, you also have some very troubling information about the defendant," said Amann. "And we reserve capital punishment in California for people who truly are the worst of the worst and have not only caused great loss of life but have done so in a very evil state of mind. And what was learned about this defendant in the course of the trial is that he's very troubled." Ellen Kreitzberg, associate professor of law at Santa Clara University's School of Law and an expert on capital-punishment law, raised another issue. "I think the more interesting question is why the prosecutor decided to pursue the death penalty in this particular case," said Kreitzberg. "Even though there were a number of people who lost life, it at least appears even from an objective look at the evidence and from the jurors' statements that this was predicated on a felony murder - the fact that it was a felony and people died without any intent to kill being shown by the defendant. "I think we should be asking whether or not prosecutors should be thinking more carefully or more thoughtfully about seeking the death penalty where they are not really making a showing of any intent to kill." Lawyers said that under the state's felony murder rule a defendant found guilty of intending to commit a crime in which someone dies - such as arson in Alvarez's case - is held liable for murder even if he did not intend to kill anyone. In explaining their sentencing decision after only about 3 hours of deliberations, the three male members of the jury said they likely would not have even convicted Alvarez on the 11 counts of first-degree murder in the eight-week trial if it had not been for the felony murder rule. Pressed on what the jury would have convicted Alvarez of had there been no arson, the foreman said: "If there was no arson, second-degree murder, or I won't go there." Deputy District Attorney John Monaghan did not return a call seeking comment on whether prosecutors considered not seeking the death penalty in the Alvarez case. But in a written statement after the sentencing, District Attorney Steve Cooley appeared to address the issue. "Given the human suffering and loss of life inflicted by Alvarez, this case was appropriately put before the jury for a penalty decision," Cooley said. Elisabeth Semel, director of the Death Penalty Clinic at Boalt Hall, the University of California School of Law at Berkeley, said there is never an easy answer in pursuing death penalty cases. "When a jury deliberates on sentencing in a murder case where the death penalty is under consideration, the fact that it is a death penalty case shows that the murder or murders were horrendous enough to warrant its consideration - but that does not mean that the death penalty is automatic," said Semel. "A jury takes many things into consideration in its deliberations, and there is no question that there is often an uphill battle for the prosecution and that the death penalty is not a foregone conclusion." Superior Court Judge William R. Pounders set Aug. 20 as the date on which he will formally sentence Alvarez. University of Colorado at Boulder sociologist Michael Radelet, one of the nation's leading criminologists and most-cited experts on the death penalty, said that often the extent or even the depravity of the crimes alone does not guarantee death sentencing convictions. "This case reminds me a great deal of the Jeffrey Daumer case in Wisconsin where so much emotional testimony was allowed during the sentencing phase but Daumer wound up (with) 15 life terms in prison and eventually died there," said Radelet. "In this case, the jury agreed that this guy is going to die - it's just going to be in prison and a few years down the road." (source: Los Angeles Daily News) SOUTH CAROLINA: Creation of rape-death penalty statute was bad politics In Kennedy v. Louisiana, the U.S. Supreme Court held that the Eighth Amendment bars imposition of the death penalty where the crime does not result in the victim's death. Order a Reprint Only six states, including South Carolina, have statutes providing for the death penalty in child rape cases. The enactment of South Carolina's statute was a perfect example of bad politics controlling legislation. In the wake of some horrific and high-profile child rape cases followed by the media, some legislator decides that it will be great PR to campaign for the death penalty for these monsters. Once the legislation has been introduced, no politician wants to vote against it because, hey, it is pretty good PR, and you are either for it or you are in favor of the child rapists, which certainly does not win you any votes. Although the politicians and some victim advocates speak out about how they want the death penalty for child rapists, and it makes a good sound byte during election time, the Supreme Court of the United States points out that there is a national consensus against the death penalty for child rape. Since the court's 1972 decision in Furman v. Georgia, nine states have permitted capital punishment for adult or child rape, and yet no person has been executed for any non-homicide offense since 1963. Louisiana is the only state that has sentenced a person to death for child rape, resulting in the opinion in Kennedy: Despite rape's permanent and devastating impact on a child, "in terms of moral depravity and of the injury to the person and to the public, (non-homicide crimes including child rape) cannot compare to murder in their severity and irrevocability." The court looks at whether the death penalty for child rape would serve the purposes of retribution and deterrence. Looking at retribution, the death penalty will not lessen a rape victim's hurt, given that capital cases require a long-term commitment to testify for the prosecution over a period of many years. By enlisting a child victim to assist in seeking the death penalty over the course of years "forces a moral choice on the child, who is not of mature age to make that choice." The goal of deterrence is not furthered because "evidence suggests that the death penalty may not result in more effective enforcement but may add to the risk of non-reporting of child rape out of fear of negative consequences for the perpetrator, especially if he is a family member." Also, by making the punishment for murder the same as the punishment for rape, it gives the rapist an incentive to kill the victim. The court takes note of the "relevant systemic concerns in prosecuting child rape, including the documented problem of unreliable, induced and even imagined child testimony, which creates a special risk of wrongful execution in some cases." There are many problems with cases involving child testimony. Child molestation cases often arise in the context of divorces and custody disputes, and there are often problems with the testimony. One problem that arises quite often is the problem of suggestive interviewing techniques with children and the problem of repeated interviews. I have seen cases where the interviewer asks the child leading questions (suggestive of the answer), the child denies the allegations, and the interviewer continues asking the same leading question in different ways or keeps coming back to the question, until the child gives the answer the interviewer is looking for. This can be compounded by the effect of multiple suggestive interviews, often beginning with a family member who may be suspicious or have an ax to grind, followed possibly by other family members, followed by an officer and then one or more interviews by a child advocate. The effect of suggestive interviews on a very young child, particularly when they are repeated, is that the child may begin to believe the allegations, even if they were not true to begin with. The state then has a very credible and believable witness with which to prosecute its case. In South Carolina and other states, laws have been passed that would allow the presentation of videotaped testimony by the child in court - without the opportunity to cross-examine and in violation of the right to confront witnesses. The dangers of a prosecution for child rape, particularly when there is no corroborating evidence, should be clear. Juries do not want to take any chance on releasing a person who might then hurt more children. Due to the prejudicial nature of the accusations, defendants are often presumed guilty as soon as they are accused, and it is an uphill battle to demonstrate the flaws in the case and to get beyond the preconceived notions of the jury. The court made the right decision in Kennedy, but it is still disturbing that four of nine justices voted to allow states to kill defendants under these circumstances. (source: Bobby G. Frederick of Myrtle Beach is a criminal defense attorney; Spartanburg Herald Journal)
[Deathpenalty] death penalty news-----MD., CALIF., S.C.
Rick Halperin Sun, 20 Jul 2008 13:36:55 -0500 (Central Daylight Time)