Feb. 20



TEXAS:

Police video shows man asking if he could get death penalty for death of Austin police officer


Prosecutors are using Brandon Daniel's words against him as his capital murder trial in the killing of an Austin police officer enters its 3rd day.

A police video screened for a Travis County jury shows the 26-year-old former software engineer asking what punishment he might get for the April 2012 death of Austin police Officer Jaime Padron.

The video shows Daniel in the back seat of a police car, asking an officer, "Can I get the lethal injection? Is it possible?" Receiving no response, Daniel says, "I'll probably go away the rest of my life."

As the car heads to police headquarters, Daniel says, "I am glad he is dead. I will see you in hell."

Prosecutors want the jury to send Daniel to death row.

(source: Associated Press)

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KCBD Investigates: The cost of the death penalty


More than 500 people have been executed in the state of Texas since 1976, including 2 from Lubbock in just the past year.

However, while Texas may lead the nation in executions, no one seems to know how much this is costing the taxpayers.

Right now, there are 274 offenders on death row at the Polunsky Unit in Livingston, Texas. The state spends large amounts of money on those individuals every year, but Texas Department of Criminal Justice spokesman Jason Clark says those numbers don't exist.

"We don't break out the cost of general population as opposed to an inmate that's on death row. There's just a flat figure for offenders that spend time in a state-operated prison," Clark said.

TDCJ gets their figures from the Legislative Budget Board, who says the state spends about $57 per day housing inmates across Texas. However, that number is an average of the lowest to highest security inmates.

KCBD: "Bottom line, we don't know how much it costs to keep an inmate on death row?"

CLARK: "No.

KCBD: "And do you think there is something wrong with that?"

CLARK: "Our cost analysis is done by the legislative budget board."

Life on death row is significantly different than it is in general population, which could mean a higher price tag.

"Offenders on death row are single-celled, so they spend about 22 to 23 hours a day in their cell. They eat there; they would come out for recreation and a shower," Clark said.

Kristin Houle is the executive director of the Texas Coalition to Abolish the Death Penalty. She says the meter starts running the second a county pursues that sentence.

"In Texas, the average time when someone is sentenced and executed is about 10 to 12 years, so they are entitled to both state and federal appeals and those impact the taxpayers," Houle said.

Houle tells us the last comprehensive study on the cost of the Texas Death Penalty was done in 1992 by the Dallas Morning News. They nailed down a $2.3 million price tag for executions, versus $750,000 for a life sentence. That was 20 years ago.

"We have seen state after state who have managed to conduct cost studies on the death penalty. In fact, there are concerns that Texas has actually done it on the cheap," Houle said.

KCBD was able to find out how much the state is paying for execution drugs. According to receipts we've obtained, a compounding pharmacy in Houston was paid $2,800 for 8 vials of Pentobarbital.

We reached out to the Legislative Budget Board to find out if any death penalty cost studies were planned for the future and they said there were not.

(source: KCBD news)

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3 North Texans to protest death penalty in walk from Dallas to Fort Worth


3 North Texas residents will walk from Dallas to Fort Worth Friday as part of a "faithful pilgrimage" to protest the death penalty.

Rev. Jeff Hood,a pastor in Denton, Rev, Wes Magruder of Plano, Chair of the Board of Church and Society for the United Methodist Church's North Texas Conference and Lynn Walters, executive director of Hope for Peace and Justice, a Dallas non-profit, plan to walk from the district attorney's office in Dallas to the district attorney's office in Fort Worth.

The 35-mile pilgrimage, which will be held in conjunction with the annual Conference of the Texas Coalition to Abolish the Death Penalty Saturday, was Hood's idea. The pastor of a group called Prism in Denton, said when he moved to Texas, "I began to realize the faith community holds the key to overturning the death penalty."

Hood, who serves on the Coalition board, said he became opposed to capital punishment when he asked "Can you love your neighbor as yourself and execute them? And I don't think that's possible."

The walk will go from Dallas through Grand Prairie and Arlington along Texas-180 West to Fort Worth. The conference will be held in Fort Worth at University Christian Church.

(source: Dallas Morning News)






PENNSYLVANIA:

Governor signs execution warrant for convicted child-killer


Governor Tom Corbett today signed an execution warrant for Stephen Rex Edmiston, who was convicted of 1st Degree Murder for the malicious and gruesome murder of 2-year-old Bobbi Jo Matthew in October of 1988.

Edmiston is incarcerated at the State Correctional Institution at Greene and his execution has been scheduled for April 16, 2014. The execution warrant signed today for Edmiston was Governor Corbett's 31st warrant signed since taking office.

Executions in Pennsylvania are carried out by lethal injection. For more information, visit the Department of Corrections online atwww.cor.state.pa.us and select "Death Penalty" from the left-side navigation bar.

Case Background:

Edmiston, now 55, was sentenced to death in November 1989 by a jury in the Court of Common Pleas, Criminal Division of Cambria County.

On the night of October 4, 1988 in Clearfield County, 2-year-old Bobbi Jo Matthew went to bed in the home she lived in with her father, Harold Matthew, her grandmother, Nancy Dotts, as well as several other children. At approximately 3:30 a.m., Harold Matthew, who was sleeping on the couch, was awakened by a man with a beard, wearing a baseball cap. The man apologized for waking him and the 2 men had a brief exchange until Matthew went back to sleep.

Moments later, 2 of the children noticed a man with the same description enter their bedroom, walk over to where Bobbi Jo was sleeping and talk to her. He left the room, returned shortly thereafter, whispered something to Bobbi Jo and then left the room again. Several minutes later, a vehicle was seen leaving the area of the home.

At approximately 5:30 a.m. on October 5, 1988, Nancy Dotts returned home and went to the children's room to check on them but did not see Bobbi Jo. Upon awakening Harold Matthew and the children, they all described the man in the home earlier with a beard, wearing a baseball cap, as a man fitting the description of who Dotts knew to be Edmiston, the nephew of Dotts??? boyfriend.

Police were able to track Edmiston down and arranged an interview with him. A consensual search of his pickup truck revealed blood on the seatbelt receptacle on the driver's side, blood in the middle of the bench seat, a blood-stained towel, bloody scissors and a pair of purple shorts that matched the description of the ones Bobbi Jo was wearing at the time of her disappearance.

Edmiston eventually confessed to police that he took Bobbi Jo and drew a map of an area in Cambria County where he took her. He drew an X at an exact location on the map; when asked by police what they would specifically find when they arrived at that location, Edmiston told them they would find "a dead, raped little girl." Edmiston admitted to raping the child in his truck and then hitting her with his fist 4 or 5 times until she stopped moving.

Police recovered the body of Bobbi Jo Matthew at the location specified on the map provided by Edmiston. Her body suffered serious injuries of scalping, blunt force to her torso, obliteration of her genital area, burning of her body, and a skull fracture. Evidence indicated that many of the injuries suffered had occurred while the child was still alive.

(source: Fox News)

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Dad OK with death penalty for confessed teen thrill-killer


Miranda Barbour, 19, and her husband have been charged in the premeditated slaying of a 42-year-old central Pennsylvania man. In a jailhouse interview with a reporter from a local newspaper, the Sunbury Daily Item, Barbour also claimed to have killed at least 22 other people as a member of a satanic cult.

Her father, who was given anonymity by the Daily Item, wasn't buying that.

"I don't believe her," he said, calling her the "most manipulative person I have ever known."

He did allow that Miranda could have been involved with one other slaying, a killing in Alaska.

Alaska State Troopers, however, told the Anchorage Daily News there was no evidence to link her with any unsolved crimes.

But for her father, even one cold-blooded killing would warrant the death penalty.

"I believe God has brought me peace with the fact that capital punishment, if chosen by the jury, is an appropriate end in this situation," he told the Daily Item.

He said his daughter, who later developed a heroin addiction, had run away from home twice as a young teenager. He said she could have had the opportunity to kill then.

Police said that Miranda Barbour and her husband, Elytte Barbour, 22, lured Troy LaFerrara to his death on Nov. 11 by placing an ad on Craigslist offering sex with Miranda. With LaFerrara in her parked car, Miranda Barbour allegedly stabbed him 20 times as Elytte Barbour strangled LaFerrara from the backseat.

The Northumberland County District Attorney would not comment beyond a statement issued by his office yesterday:

"We note that any information regarding crimes committed in other jurisdictions has been or will be forwarded to the appropriate law enforcement agencies and the FBI for further investigation," wrote D.A. Anthony J. Rosini.

"As of this date, there has been no verification of any of the information that has been the subject of media coverage regarding prior acts of the defendant, Miranda Barbour."

A spokeswoman for the FBI, Carrie Adamowski, confirmed agents were assisting local police with the investigation.

(source: philly.com)






DELAWARE:

Del. high court mulls new appeal in capital case


The Delaware Supreme Court is weighing another appeal by a man sentenced to death for a 1991 liquor store killing.

The justices heard arguments Wednesday in the case of Jermaine Wright, who was convicted of killing 65-year-old Phillip Seifert, a clerk at the Hi-Way Inn liquor store and bar outside Wilmington.

The Supreme Court last year overturned a Superior Court judge's 2012 ruling that tossed out Wright's conviction and death sentence. Before his conviction was thrown out, Wright had spent more time on death row than any other Delaware inmate currently facing execution.

Wright's attorneys are now asking the justices to consider issues they say were not settled when the Supreme Court reinstated Wright's conviction and death sentence last year.

"The court did not explicitly mention them in the previous appeal, so it's unclear whether they're previously adjudicated," said defense attorney Claudia van Wyk.

Prosecutors argue that the new defense claims are procedurally barred because they were not brought up on cross-appeal when the state challenged the ruling that overturned Wright's conviction and death sentence.

"They are without jurisdiction to appeal," argued deputy attorney general Maria Knoll.

Defense attorneys contend, among other things, that prosecutors failed to disclose information to Wright's trial attorneys about a jailhouse informant who testified against Wright. Wright's attorneys say prosecutors failed to notify the defense that Gerald Samuels had previously cooperated with authorities in agreeing to testify against a co-defendant in an earlier drug case, obtaining a plea deal in return, and that Samuels expected similar leniency in return for testifying against Wright.

Wright's attorneys also argue that prosecutors failed to divulge information about another witness, who Wright's trial attorneys argued had committed the liquor store killing with a cousin.

Wright's attorneys claim prosecutors knew but failed to divulge that Kevin Jamison, who had been called as a witness by defense attorneys, committed perjury in testifying against Wright. According to court records, Jamison had an outstanding arrest warrant that was not executed until immediately after his testimony. Jamison testified that he and his cousin did not see each other very often and did not run around together, but the arrest warrant charged both men with committing a robbery together shortly before Wright's trial.

Wright's attorneys also argued Wednesday that his trial lawyers failed to conduct an adequate investigation of mitigating factors weighing against the death penalty. They also say his post-conviction attorneys provided ineffective assistance.

The Supreme Court is expected to issue its ruling within 90 days. Participating in Wednesday's hearing was Chancellor Leo Strine Jr., who was recently confirmed by the state Senate as Delaware's new chief justice. Strine has not yet been sworn in, however, and veteran Justice Randy Holland occupied the center chair where the chief justice sits.

(source: Associated Press)






SOUTH CAROLINA:

Judge set to decide whether man accused of murder in girl's slaying can face death penalty


A Chesnee man accused of killing a young girl appeared childlike himself during an evaluation to determine whether he has the intellectual capacity to face the death penalty should he be convicted of kidnapping and murder, a psychologist testified Wednesday.

Dr. Ginger Calloway, who has a clinical forensic practice in North Carolina, testified for the defense. She described Ricky Lee Blackwell Sr. as "naive looking, like a young child, and rather frightened looking" when she evaluated him.

Blackwell, 55, is accused of kidnapping and murdering 8-year-old Heather Brooke Center in July 2009. His trial is scheduled to start next month.

If Blackwell is ruled to have an intellectual disability, he would be ineligible for execution if convicted. The ruling will come after this Atkins hearing, which is based on a 2002 Supreme Court ruling that it is unconstitutional to execute someone with an intellectual disability.

Dr. Kimberly Harrison testified for the state and said Blackwell did not have significant symptoms of a mental illness or "retardation."

She said Blackwell was competent to stand trial when she evaluated him.

Harrison, chief psychologist for the S.C. Department of Mental Health's forensic evaluation service, evaluated Blackwell on April 24. Harrison said a social worker assisted in the evaluation, which included a 1-hour, 20-minute interview.

"This evaluation was solely focused on his competency to stand trial. I did not do any testing," Harrison testified.

Harrison said she researched the criminal case and Blackwell's background as part of her examination. She said she also researched the possibility that Blackwell has an intellectual disability.

"In the case that there was further evidence that might suggest an intellectual disability, I would have either referred the case on to (the S.C. Department of Disabilities and Special Needs) or requested a joint evaluation with DDSN and myself," Harrison said.

Harrison said Blackwell understood the charges against him, court procedures and was able to assist his attorneys in preparing for trial.

She said records from the year Blackwell entered school showed he had a low IQ that suggested a possible intellectual disability. But 1 year later, when Blackwell was 8, his IQ was reported to be 87, "which would be considered in the low average range of intellectual development and not an intellectually disabled range," Harrison said.

She said it's not uncommon for the first IQ score to be much lower in the first year of school if someone comes from an environment where they may have received little intellectual stimulation. She said Blackwell's IQ score at age 8 "was an indication that he likely did not have an intellectual disability."

She said Blackwell demonstrated an ability to understand and appropriately respond to questions, consider different scenarios and demonstrate abstract thinking skills.

"He did not demonstrate any obvious problems with attention or concentration or his memory," Harrison said.

She diagnosed him with re-occurring major depressive disorder as well as generalized anxiety disorder, but said he did not report symptoms of either disorder and was in full remission at the time of the examination. She said Blackwell was taking anti-psychotic and anti-anxiety medications at the time of the evaluation.

Under cross-examination, Harrison said it would be possible for someone with "mild mental retardation" to score a little more than 70 on an IQ test due to testing error of measurement. She also said there was "possible evidence" that Blackwell was mentally retarded based on the first IQ score.

She disagreed that more recent tests placing Blackwell's IQ in a lower range invalidated a test from his childhood with a higher score. She said it was important to test for the effort they put forth and their response style.

Seventh Circuit Public Defender Clay Allen questioned Harrison about Blackwell's academic record. Allen said Blackwell repeated the 9th grade and ranked last in a class of 113 students when he dropped out of Chesnee High School his junior year.

Harrison said those factors could indicate an intellectual disability, learning disability or lack of effort.

She said Blackwell had been employed - he had a commercial driver's license and had worked as a truck driver and forklift operator and had apparently lived independently.

Harrison said it would be "unusual" for a person with mental retardation to have a commercial driver's license, since it would require a written test, reading skills, ability to understand language and formulate responses.

Calloway said someone could be mildly mentally retarded and obtain a commercial driver's license and drive a truck, operate a forklift, read and write, work, marry and carry out household chores.

Calloway defined intellectual disability as "significantly sub-average general functioning" with an IQ of 70 or below, adaptive deficits in two of 10 areas and the onset of the disability before age 18.

Calloway said the American Association of Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities recommends using a standardized instrument and extensive interviewing to determine whether one has adaptive deficits.

Calloway testified that Blackwell scored 63 on an IQ test she gave him and had "significant deficits" in several areas, including communication, home living and self-direction.

She said in her examination she looked at several sources "that suggested that his intellectual functioning was sub-average before the age of 18."

Calloway interviewed Blackwell about his background, including his family, medical, relationship and work history. She also reviewed school records and interviewed several people who know Blackwell, including relatives, a minister, former employer and teacher to learn more about Blackwell's functioning.

Calloway said one of Blackwell's former teachers told her that he was in classes described as "preliminary to special education classes."

Calloway noted that several people in Blackwell's family had "scores that fall into a range of intellectual disability."

At the age of 18, before he dropped out of high school, Calloway said Blackwell's reading and math scores were at a 5th- or 6th-grade level.

Calloway said Blackwell held numerous jobs over the years - inspecting cans for defects, stacking pallets, bagging ice - and was described as a "good worker."

He became a truck driver in 1982, she said, but lost jobs after accidents. He reportedly failed at operating his own trucking business.

"He was given the kind of jobs you would expect for somebody with a mild intellectual disability. He could do repetitive tasks. He could be taught," Calloway said.

He was married to his ex-wife, Angela, for 29 years, according to testimony. Calloway gathered from multiple sources that Angela managed their finances and the household in general.

Blackwell lived on land owned by his parents, who lived within walking distance. His parents helped the couple purchase their 1st home.

Calloway said Blackwell had various diagnoses beginning at age 31, including major depressive disorder. At one point, he was involuntarily committed and discharged with major depressive disorder without psychosis.

He tried to overdose on prescription drugs after his separation from his ex-wife, Calloway said.

The Atkins hearing resumes at 9 a.m. today.

(source: goupstate.com)






GEORGIA:

Death row's insurmountable burden of proof -- For Georgia's death-row inmates, convincing the state of mental disability can be nearly impossible


In 2002 the U.S. Supreme Court changed the way the death penalty is applied. In Atkins v. Virginia, the Justices found that the execution of "mentally retarded" people - that's the law's language, not mine - is, in fact, unconstitutional. That ruling came some 14 years after Georgia became the first state in the country to outlaw the practice. So why does it still happen? And why are we still talking about it here in Georgia with the Warren Lee Hill case?

The answer lies largely in some peculiarities in our criminal code and its practice.

You know in cop dramas where they talk about pleading insanity in criminal trials? To determine the criminal defendant's mental health, several questions are asked. First off, is the defendant even mentally able to stand trial? Second, does his or her mental state play into the punishment?

Each state has its own rules on how to determine whether a criminal defendant is intellectually disabled. But individual states differ regarding whose responsibility it is to prove mental incapacity, and which party, prosecution or defense, has the burden of proof.

Most states require the prosecution to prove the defendant is competent. A minority requires the defendant to prove it himself. Of those, almost all require the defendant to carry the lowest of burdens, known as preponderance. That's the norm. A defendant must only prove that he is more likely than not to be mentally incompetent. But Georgia requires much more. Georgia, and Georgia alone, demands the defendant prove his mental incapacity at an absurdly high level: beyond a reasonable doubt.

To carry that burden, the proof must be overwhelming. The courts consider an IQ of below 70 as the threshold for mental retardation. Let's say one expert testifies that a defendant is below that IQ. If another expert testifies that he's above, even slightly, he's eligible for the death penalty. This leads to a battle of the experts.

If the prosecution thinks the defense will argue mental incapacity, they will order an evaluation long before trial begins. If the evaluators find the defendant "mentally retarded," many district attorneys will run through a number of experts until they find one who thinks otherwise. With experts on both sides, a judge will rarely find the defendant has proven beyond a reasonable doubt that he or she meets the legal standard for mental deficiency.

This means in practice that the judge almost never decides a defendant is "mentally retarded" and protected from the death penalty unless the prosecution has conceded the issue. If a defendant appeals, he's unlikely to get a more sympathetic look. That's because the burden of proof is so high that appellate judges are wary to second-guess their trial judge colleagues. That means the only avenue for a convicted defendant to prove he's mentally incompetent is a process in the federal courts called habeas corpus. But thanks to the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 - a law allegedly passed to curtail terrorism - gaining access to even this remedy has proven incredibly difficult for criminal defendants.

In Georgia, the reality is that once the prosecutor has decided he's going for the death penalty and gets an expert who says the defendant is competent, no judge is likely to derail those efforts. So while Atkins v. Virginia says one thing about the "mentally retarded," the reality of Georgia's criminal practice says another.

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A short history of Georgia's death penalty ---- Hangings, electrocution, and lethal injections - and the slow change in attitude about executions

Over the course of his 34-year career, criminal defense attorney Michael Mears has counseled or stood in court next to 167 men and women faced with the death penalty as punishment for their crimes. In that time, he has watched the state-sponsored killings get temporarily halted and the method of killing changed. As more and more states across the country have placed a moratorium on or abolished capital punishment, Georgia has clung to the practice despite its brutality and inequities in how it's doled out.

"It's been a love affair with prosecutors, legislators, and everyone with this thing called the death penalty," says Mears, a John Marshall School of Law professor. "The seeking of the death penalty and the imposition of the death penalty has been used by prosecutors and politicians over and over again to lull the public into some sense that they've been protected from violent crimes. It's like a placebo the doctor gives you."

The affair began in Georgia, so far as records show, with the 1735 hanging in Savannah's Wright Square of Alice Riley, a white woman and indentured servant executed for murdering her master. The act was repeated an estimated 500 times until 1924, when the Legislature voted to outlaw it in favor of the electric chair, morbidly nicknamed "Old Sparky," at the Georgia State Prison Farm near Milledgeville. The chair was moved to Reidsville on Jan. 1, 1938. Corrections officials set a record on Dec. 9, 1938, by executing 6 men within 81 minutes of each other. The chair was kept busy - an average of a dozen people were executed every year between the end of the Great Depression and the mid-1950s.

In 1980, Georgia's death row was moved to Jackson, and a new chair was built. That device could be dysfunctional. Larry Lochner, who was sentenced to death for murdering three people over a gambling debt, reportedly had to be given 2 bursts of electricity when he was killed in 1996. In 2000, the General Assembly made lethal injection the legal method of execution in the event that the electric chair was declared cruel and unusual punishment, which happened in October 2001. Georgia's first lethal injection took place the same month.

Georgia earns a special place in death penalty history books as the battleground for some key legal cases. Chief among them was Furman v. Georgia, the 1972 Supreme Court case that struck down more than 40 states' death penalty laws, including Georgia's. True to form, the Georgia General Assembly drew up a new statute the next legislative session that was quickly signed into law - "without ceremony," according to Mears' book The Death Penalty in Georgia: A Modern History, 1970-2000 - by then-Gov. Jimmy Carter.

In the years since, some attempts have been made to amend the legislation, including lowering the age of eligibility to 16. In the mid-1990s, then-state Rep. Doug Teper, D-Decatur, even proposed legislation allowing the state to use the guillotine, thinking it would make organ donations by the executed easier. More recently, some state lawmakers have argued for greasing the path to the death chamber with moves to permit non-unanimous juries or add gang membership to the list of aggravating circumstances.

"Every time Georgia executes someone it's an embarrassment," says Stephen Bright, president of the Southern Center for Human Rights.

While European countries and other states such as Colorado and Washington have moved to stop executing people, Georgia and 26 other states remain in the dark ages with Saudi Arabia, Iraq, and Iran. The pending execution of Warren Lee Hill has thrust the state's death penalty into a legal limbo. It has also shone a spotlight on the absurdity of the state's high burden of proof to show, what it calls, "mental retardation." It's also driven some lawmakers to try and shield the process in secrecy so that the state may have access to controversial drugs used in lethal injections. The execution of Troy Davis, the Georgia death row inmate who pleaded for a new trial after multiple witnesses in his case recanted their stories, attracted worldwide headlines, vigils, and pleas for clemency from Pope Benedict and Bishop Desmond Tutu.

Georgia's death penalty disproportionately affects minorities. In McCleskey v. Kemp, another landmark Georgia case that was argued by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1986, the defendant's lawyers studied Georgia death penalty cases and found that prosecutors in homicide cases involving black defendants and white victims sought the state's death penalty 70 % of the time, compared to 19 % with black victims and white defendants. Today more than 47 % of the 89 men on death row in Georgia are black. But according to the state's 2009 analysis of executions dating back to the 1930s, 75 % of the prisoners put to death during that time were black.

Nearly every year, it seems, a state lawmaker proposes legislation that would repeal the death penalty. State Rep. Tyrone Brooks, D-Atlanta, has sponsored a bill this year. It's rare that the bills muster more than a committee hearing. If anything, attempts to modify the statute tend to receive pushback from some Georgia district attorneys and tough-on-crime politicians. Some capital punishment critics, including Mears and Bright, don't think Georgia's death penalty will be abolished any time soon. Before that happens, Mears says, it will "die of old age."

Prosecutors may stop seeking the death penalty because the trials and subsequent appeals can go on indefinitely and leave victims' families without a sense of justice. As views evolve, juries may just cease sending people to the death chamber. In addition, the death penalty is costly. The state does not keep statistics on the cost of housing a death row inmate, but the average inmate costs taxpayers more than $18,500 per year. When one estimates the length of death sentences combined with the costly appeals process, it adds up to more than life in prison, critics argue.

Across the country, Bright says, fewer people are being sentenced to death. That applies to Georgia as well. The number of executions in Georgia has also declined: Zero executions were conducted in 2012. One person was put to death in 2013 before Hill's challenge effectively halted the process. Bright attributes the decline to several factors, including better representation of defendants. The Georgia Public Defender Standards Council's team of lawyers and investigators, operating with little funding, has challenged the judicial system and prevented the death penalty from being doled out. The number of men and women who have been exonerated over the years, both in Georgia and elsewhere in the U.S., have reminded potential jurors that mistakes happen in trials.

A law that allows prosecutors to consider life without parole rather than the death penalty has also given district attorneys more options. And, Mears says, many people, including prosecutors, are starting to understand that the death penalty has not been proven to deter crime. According to the Death Penalty Information Center, states with the death penalty have consistently higher murder rates than states without it.

"I've never, out of 167 cases, had a client tell me, 'If I had known this would get me the death penalty I never would have done this,'" Mears says.

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Warren Hill and the future of Georgia's death penalty ---- The longtime death-row inmate has staved off execution for nearly 3 decades despite the state's stubborn wish to see him die

Nearly 1 year ago, Warren Hill ate what he thought would be his last meal. He made no special requests. Georgia Department of Corrections officials fed him a standard serving of macaroni, baked beans, stir-fried vegetables, corn bread, and iced tea.

Thirty minutes before his scheduled death by lethal injection, a pair of high state courts granted him two stays of execution. That decision kicked off a bizarre, unpredictable year for the 53-year-old. Along the way, Georgia's death penalty once again was dragged into the international spotlight, highlighting the system's flaws and state lawmakers' stubborn dedication to keeping its rules intact. Earlier this week, the state restarted the process that will decide his fate.

Hill's long and winding legal saga dates back almost three decades. In 1986, he was first found guilty and sentenced to life in prison for the murder of his 18-year-old girlfriend Myra Wright. Four years later, he was found guilty of bludgeoning fellow inmate Joseph Handspike, who at the time was asleep, with a nail-studded 2-by-6 board. The 2nd offense landed him on death row.

During the latter trial's sentencing, four state experts testified that Hill's IQ deemed him intellectually disabled. Three disagreed. The death-row inmate has an IQ of 70 - 70 or below is widely accepted as the standard for determining intellectual disability throughout the nation. In a state where "mental retardation" claims must be proven beyond a reasonable doubt, Hill failed to meet those requirements. The death-row inmate continued his long wait inside the Jackson prison

In July 2012, state officials initially denied him clemency on his 1st scheduled killing. But a high state court spared his life with less than 2 hours to go amid widespread global uproar concerning his mental status. The state rescheduled his execution for seven months later. Minutes before his 2nd trip to the death chamber, Hill received 2 more stays when state mental-health experts, who originally dismissed his mental disability, voluntarily changed their minds and sided with Hill's claims of intellectual disability.

The inmate's lawyers exhausted nearly all legal options in the months leading up to yet another execution date in July 2013. After a last-minute challenge over Georgia's new lethal injection secrecy law, a Fulton County judge issued an indefinite stay of execution. Hill's lawyers raised concerns about the constitutionality of the measure, which state lawmakers passed to keep drug suppliers' identities confidential. They argued that the disconcerting lack of information could cause "irreparable harm" to inmates subjected to such drugs that could be mixed by unreliable compounding pharmacies.

That argument won Hill a reprieve that's lasted longer than most people expected.

Despite state Attorney General Sam Olens' initial rush to appeal the ruling, Georgia Supreme Court justices have tapped the brakes on the case. Oral arguments started this week and judges are expected to make a decisive ruling this spring.

The coast is hardly clear for the aging death-row prisoner. Hill's attorney Brian Kammer, executive director of the Georgia Resource Center since 1996, says that the Georgia Supreme Court has ruled against the legal nonprofit's clients the last 8 times it won lower court appeals. Although Hill has already received several stays for various reasons, the odds might be against him given the judicial body's track record. Despite the fact that state experts from his case unanimously agree about Hill's mental capacity, his burden of proof won't get any easier at the state level.

The U.S. Supreme Court passed on Hill's appeal, instead choosing to hear Hall v. Florida, a similar case that legal observers think might help "mentally retarded" prisoners' cases and related death penalty statutes across the nation. The decision could help Hill to avoid a state-imposed death. Or it could expedite his execution. Until then, it's a waiting game. And one that shows just how broken Georgia's death penalty system is.

(source for all: Creative Loafing Atlanta)

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Local judge asks Georgia Supreme Court to end delays in capital murder cases


The judge assigned to preside over a near 5-year-old death penalty case in Augusta has asked the Georgia Supreme Court to do something to end the inordinate delays and ineffectiveness of the capital defender office.

Judge J. David Roper made the plea to the state's highest court in his mandatory pre-trial report filed Monday in the case of Kelvin Johnson.

Johnson, 29, has pleaded not guilty to charges filed in the Aug. 26, 2009, slaying of 69-year-old Martha Greene and the wounding of her husband, Tilman "T.C." Greene, during a robbery of their Plantation Road home.

Richmond County sheriff investigators arrested Johnson the day after the attack, a grand jury returned an indictment the following month and the prosecutor filed notice of seeking the death penalty Oct. 30, 2009.

Roper noted in 2012 the 2 attorneys appointed by the Georgia Capital Defender office to represent Johnson "were not remotely ready for trial."

Roper then ordered the Georgia Public Defender Standards Council to appear in court to explain why he shouldn't rule that there was a systemic breakdown in the defense of capital murder cases. The organization responded by appointing 2 local attorneys to his defense team.

2 more years dragged by before Johnson's case reached the point the Supreme Court would be asked to determine if one of Roper's rulings is correct. Once that is decided, Johnson's case should be ready for trial.

Roper blamed himself for the delay in getting the issue - whether he was correct to allow evidence at trial that DNA tied Johnson to 2 unrelated burglaries and a rape - to the Supreme Court since Oct. 4.

However, the current system for the defense of capital murder suspects is horrendous, the judge wrote.

"The present capital defender system is denying defendants their right to effective counsel and speedy trial. Trial judges and appellate courts strain to find that delays of 4 or 5 years or more are not prejudicial, when in fact they are, to avoid setting a guilty person free," Roper wrote.

"The public and victims are, likewise, prejudiced because the death penalty system is fraught with frequent and lengthy delays and seemingly endless appeals, undermining confidence in the judicial system. A pool of attorneys defending only capital cases is simply not practicable, efficient or workable."

The judge cited case law stating the Supreme Court has the power to protect the judiciary and ensure the court system is capable of administering justice in an orderly and efficient manner. Roper asks the court to exercise that power or promulgating rules to ensure justice is served for all participants and the public.

(source: Augusta Chronicle)




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