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************************************************************** Liberal Times Manila A monthly newsletter of the Friedrich Naumann Foundation's Philippine Office ************************************************************** Dear friends of the Friedrich Naumann Foundation, 30/6/2005 Politically, the Philippines is once more experiencing tumultuous times. As the representative of a political Foundation and also an ardent political observer I am fascinated by the unravelling drama. It is safe to say that it will take a long time before political normality returns to this land. On the surface, the crisis appears as a power struggle between individuals of opposing camps. On a more abstract level the turbulences also expose fundamental deficiencies of the political system and its institutions. I have expounded on this angle in a commentary entitled "Weak Institutions Fan Filipino Turmoil," excerpts of which are attached to this note. You may view the full text at http://www.fnf.org.ph/liberalopinion/2005-06-15-weak_institutions_a_turmoil.htm While in these troubled times all public debates in Manila focus on the alleged (and confessed) wrongdoings of the president, political forces in the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) are gearing up for regional elections slated for August 8, 2005. Continuing the efforts to strengthen the liberal forces in Southern Philippines, our partners, the National Institute for Policy Studies (NIPS), held a Basic Orientation Workshop on Liberal Democracy (BOLD) for candidates and political coordinators in early June. Leading the Muslim delegation was Datu Ibrahim "Toto" Paglas, the Liberal Party's candidate for regional governor. Among the highlights of the well attended event was a debate on the complex relationship between liberalism and Islam. Go to www.fnf.org.ph for more details. Meanwhile, members of the liberal Foundation's Alumni Group convened on June 9, 2005 to exchange information and discuss the future of this informal association of individuals who have attended FNF-sponsored leadership training courses in Europe. I am pleased that those present resolved to revitalize the group. Ms Essa Remoquillo, a senior staff member of Senate Majority Leader Francis Pangilinan, was elected the new coordinator of the Group. She steps in for Mrs. Chit Asis, the director general of the Liberal Party, who held this position for the past three years. The first activity of the rejuvenated Alumni network was a discussion meeting with Siegfried Herzog, the head of the Asia desk at the Foundation's headquarters in Germany, who on June 22, 2005 delivered a talk on "Globalization, Europe and Liberal Politics in Germany". In his speech, Mr. Herzog presented a comprehensive overview of the challenges facing Europe and particularly the liberal forces in that part of the world, today. You may view the text at http://www.fnf.org.ph/liberallibrary/herzog_speech.htm Last, but not least: The Foundation's International Academy for Leadership (IAF) will hold its first ever online course. Entitled "No Education: No Freedom, No Opportunity," participants of the interactive workshop will discuss ideas on educational reform. At the end of the online workshop, we will select the 25 most successful participants from all parts of the world and invite them to a two-week workshop in Germany in November 2005. I encourage you to participate in this ground-breaking educational event and earn your all expense paid trip to the heart of Europe. For details, go to www.fnf.org.ph. Thank you and kind regards (Dr. Ronald Meinardus) ************************************************************* The monthly Liberal Times Manila newsletter informs about activities of the Friedrich Naumann Foundation in the Philippines and beyond. This issue has been sent to 1638 individuals and organizations. If you do not wish to receive our messages anymore, please return this note and put "unsubscribe" in the subject. More information on recent FNF-activities is waiting for you at www.fnf.org.ph. ************************************************************** Weak institutions fan Filipino turmoil (Excerpts) When the Filipino masses rose in 1986 against the tyranny of Ferdinand Marcos, the whole democratic world joined the celebrations. "People power" became a synonym for democratic and peaceful transition, and the Philippines was hailed as a global trend-setter. Compared with 1986, the popular uprising in 2001 that brought the incumbent to power had far less splendour. It took place in a constitutional and democratic framework and was hardly aimed at a dictator. Once again, major political forces in the Philippines are advocating extra-constitutional methods to rid the country of what they term a corrupt and illegitimate leader. On a more general note, this situation exposes a fundamental weakness of the Philippine political system and its institutions. The issue of the legitimacy of the electoral results of May 2004 stands at the centre of the political turmoil. Up to this very day, the opposition has not conceded defeat, insisting the president only won because of massive cheating. With all legal efforts exhausted, the opposition has politicised the struggle. A heterogeneous cluster of individuals and groups reaching from the far left to the far right is confronting the president. Their only common characteristic is an aversion to the president. They have neither produced a rallying figure capable of replacing the president, nor have they come up with a programme of government. The anti-Arroyo coalition is a negative, one-purpose campaign. Whether this is enough to mobilise the Filipino masses is questionable. To be successful, the least the kind of movement some armchair revolutionaries are dreaming of should do is produce a joint political blueprint for a better future. The lack of such a blueprint enforces the widespread suspicion that the whole commotion is less about political direction and principles than it is about personal ambitions. In the midst of all the turmoil, the president has announced her intention to initiate the process to change the constitution, altering the government from its present presidential form to a parliamentary federal system. Many observers see this as an attempt to deflect public attention away from the negative headlines the scandal was producing. To raise the constitutional question during this delicate time was premature. The problem is not the constitution, but a lack of respect for the basic law. It is debatable, also, whether a shift from the presidential to a parliamentary system would improve the political situation. While it would strengthen parliament, it would at the same time weaken the executive. To solve its myriad problems, the Philippines needs strong political leadership. I am not convinced that a leader presiding over a potentially fragile parliamentary majority would be better equipped to get things done than a chief executive with a popular mandate. In addition, for a parliamentary system to work, you need an institutional framework with a functioning electoral system and strong political parties. Compared with other democracies, both the electoral and party systems of the Philippines are feeble and in dire need of reform. Hardly anyone remembers today that in 2001 the political parties agreed at a summit to enact legislation aimed at creating strong platform-based and publicly financed political parties. Up to this day, nothing practical has come of it. This shows that the political class is really not genuine in its desire to strengthen the political parties as democratic institutions. There is also a lack of political sincerity regarding electoral reform: today's turmoil is basically a consequence of the inadequacies of the electoral system. Had the 2004 elections been computerised and not conducted through what observers at the time described as an "archaic" system of manual counting, today's allegations of cheating and rigging would simply be baseless. It is disturbing, but also revealing, that hardly anyone is campaigning for election reform today. This leads to the conclusion that many in the political class seem content with an outdated electoral system that is not only open to manipulation but also extremely destabilising. © The Nation, Bangkok: June 15, 2005 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - The Internet and Democracy Across Asia: MAY 2001 Online Trends in Governance, Civil Society and Media More information at: http://www.e-democracy.org/do Rule: No more than two posts a day per participant. To SUBSCRIBE, send e-mail to: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To UNSUBSCRIBE, e-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED] - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Yahoo! Groups Links <*> To visit your group on the web, go to: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/do-asia/ <*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to: [EMAIL PROTECTED] <*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to: http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/
