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************************************************************** Liberal Times Manila A monthly newsletter of the Friedrich Naumann Foundation's Philippine Office ************************************************************** Dear friends of the Friedrich Naumann Foundation, 29/7/2005 In these politically troubled times, Filipino friends and colleagues often ask what I make of the turmoil that has beset the country. While as an individual I have my personal opinion (parts of which are reflected in a recent commentary attached to this note) the Foundation I represent should not and will not take a formal stance. Being neutral in a highly polarized environment is not always easy. But, on the other hand, our role has never been to side with individuals, factions or groupings but to promote through education and trainings the grand idea of freedom - also known as liberalism. I would be dishonest if I said that the political commotion, which has also affected the cohesiveness of the liberal forces, has been without impact on our programs of political education. At the same time, I am happy that our partners at the National Institute for Policy Studies (NIPS) and the liberal youth organization Kalipi are gearing up for a series of activities. Among these is the NIPS launching of the Tagalog version of Liberalism: A Primer slated for August 21. A Cebuano translation of the ideological manual should also be out in due time. Please drop us a note if you wish to receive either or both of the booklets by mail and free of charge. Just a few days ago, I returned from Vientiane, the capital of Laos, where an important ministerial meeting of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) took place. While media focused on the laudable development that Myanmar will forgo the chair of the regional body next year, the ASEAN governments also engaged in a dialogue with members of the Working Group for an ASEAN Human Rights Mechanism. In what our friends and partners at the Working Group consider a major success, ASEAN has now formally asked the Working Group to provide its expertise and services towards the establishment of a regional Commission on the Promotion and the Protection of the Rights of Women and Children. Seen in a broader framework, this shows that human rights concerns are making headway in ASEAN. For an update of the Working Group's activities check out the Human Rights Herald available online at http://www.aseanhrmech.org/WGPages/Contents/Human_Rights_Herald_Issue2.pdf Over the years, leadership training courses in Germany (and other European countries) have developed into an attractive educative opportunity for Filipino liberals. I am particularly happy that no less than eight applicants from this country were accepted for the first ever online seminar. Entitled "No Education: No Freedom, No Opportunity," the seminar will last for six weeks. The most successful participants will be invited to go to Germany for a follow-up in November. For more information on this and other workshops of the International Academy for Leadership (IAF) go to www.fnf.org.ph Finally, today is my last day at the office before I leave for an extended holiday (and business trip) to Europe. While I am looking forward to meeting up with my loved ones back home, I will certainly miss the daily dose of Philippine politics. Thank you and kind regards (Dr. Ronald Meinardus) ************************************************************* The monthly Liberal Times Manila newsletter informs about activities of the Friedrich Naumann Foundation in the Philippines and beyond. This issue has been sent to 1730 individuals and organizations. If you do not wish to receive our messages anymore, please return this note and put "unsubscribe" in the subject. More information on recent FNF-activities is waiting for you at www.fnf.org.ph. ************************************************************** The Philippines' Prolonged Political Crisis (Excerpts) If there is one ray of light in the protracted political turmoil besetting the Philippines it is that, thus far, the situation has remained peaceful. One and a half months after audio tapes surfaced allegedly showing Mrs. Arroyo cheated her way into office, the political crisis in the Philippines has entered a new stage. While in the early weeks of the turmoil the political momentum for the president to resign grew, Mrs. Arroyo's position was stabilized when the Roman Catholic hierarchy publicly stated it would not join the clamor and the military also refrained from getting involved. Considering the very negative mood earlier, the neutrality of two key players blew new life into the besieged presidency. Still, the political crisis is far from settled. There is a general feeling that the country has entered a period of a drawn out political stalemate. Once more, Philippine politics is extremely polarized. How one perceives the president has become the single most important issue, transcending established ideological and partisan allegiances. "Churches, officials in government, men in uniform, the business community, teachers, students, and even families are divided," said a former member of the Arroyo cabinet who resigned recently. With more or less all major political forces having opted for one or the other camp, voices of compromise are scarce - and hardly heard. This, too, makes an amicable solution difficult and improbable. Today, many public debates focus on the question why the present situation is different from 1986 and 2001, two defining dates in Philippine history, when massive demonstrations led to the downfall of presidents considered unfit to run the nation by major sectors of society. In both people power uprisings (as they have come to be known) the Roman Catholic hierarchy and eventually also the armed forces joined the movement thereby tipping the balance in favor of the demonstrators. Arguably, the most important difference today is that the public has shown little if any inclination to go to the streets in large numbers. For many left leaning Filipino intellectuals who tend to idealize the popular protests of the past, this people power fatigue is a painful disappointment. The people's passivity challenges the widespread perception that in the end of the day the masses will take their destiny into their own hands. Filipinos seem to have learned their lesson. Few would argue today that the two previous revolts led to an improvement of the quality of their lives. Many would even say, and empirical data justifies their claim, that their situation has worsened. A recent opinion poll conducted by a reputable survey institute revealed how fed-up the people are with being sent to the streets by political agitators. When the Social Weather Stations (SWS) published its findings, the local media focused on the falling trust ratings of the president. Equally newsworthy I found the result that only two individuals out of more than 500 respondents opted for "people power." There are indications that the political conflict will return to the halls of Congress, from where ideally it should never have left in the first place. Following initial hesitation, the opposition seems willing to impeach the president. This is a reasonable option, as it is constitutional, and importantly, gives the accused president a chance to defend herself. . While friends and foes of Mrs. Arroyo will probably always disagree who should lead this country, they agree that the current political system is in dire need of radical reform. The president herself came out with the revealing and also incriminating remark that "our political system has degenerated to such an extent that it is very difficult to move within the system with hands totally untainted." In the midst of the crisis, various political sectors have come out with proposals aimed at remedying the situation. A consensus is evolving that the Philippines is in need of a new constitution. Among the formulas proposed is to transform the present presidential system to a parliamentary and federal form of government. One influential proponent even suggests that the new constitution should be ready as soon as next February so that the people may decide on it in a plebiscite. Considering the seriousness of the endeavor, any such haste seems inappropriate. At the same time this hurriedness is unrealistic. One condition for constitutional change is a basic consensus among the major political forces. The assumption that this consensus may be achieved any time soon is wishful thinking. As long as major political players question the legitimacy of the president, the political stalemate in the Philippines will continue. © BusinessWorld July 19, 2005 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - The Internet and Democracy Across Asia: MAY 2001 Online Trends in Governance, Civil Society and Media More information at: http://www.e-democracy.org/do Rule: No more than two posts a day per participant. To SUBSCRIBE, send e-mail to: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To UNSUBSCRIBE, e-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED] - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Yahoo! 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