An HTML-version of this newsletter is available at 
http://www.fnf.org.ph/enewsletter/ltm022806.htm

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Liberal Times Manila

A monthly newsletter of the Friedrich Naumann Foundation’s Philippine Office
   
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Dear friends of the Friedrich Naumann Foundation,      28/2/2006

When it comes to innovations, liberals like to be ahead of things. In many 
parts of the world, this holds true for their political advocacies, and also 
for the way they communicate with constituents and supporters. Weblogs or blogs 
(personal online journals) and podcasts (audio journals published on the 
Internet) are fast becoming communications tools used also in the political 
sphere. Importantly, a growing number of Filipinos now turn to these online 
media sources for their information needs. In other parts of the world, 
politicians and political parties are already applying blogs and podcasts to 
their campaigning and lobbying efforts. This said, the liberal Foundation is 
organizing an educative activity entitled “Express Yourself,” a workshop with 
hands-on exercises on blogging and podcasting to be held in Makati City on 9-10 
March 2006. This is a rare occasion to learn from leading Filipino bloggers 
such as Abe Olandres and Manolo Quezon III the techniques of establishing your 
own voice on the World Wide Web. The deadline for applications is March 2. Go 
to www.fnf.org.ph to find out more about the workshop and how to apply. 

Speaking of podcasts. As a subscriber to this newsletter you may have listened 
already to The Liberal Times Manila Podcast. In the second episode, we focus on 
the various successful events surrounding the 60th anniversary of the Liberal 
Party of the Philippines (LP). My co-host Alexandra Cuyegkeng and I are upbeat 
by the hundreds of listeners who have downloaded the show. If you have not 
listened to it yet we would be thrilled if you could spare some time and listen 
in.  To download, please go to www.fnf.org.ph/podcast.

Arguably, the most innovative activity in the context of the commemorations of 
the LP’s anniversary has been the exhibit entitled Mga kulay ng kalayaan: 
(Colors of Freedom) The Story of the LP and the Philippine Nation in Color. It 
was launched in Ali Mall, Cubao, where it ran for a week and attracted 
thousands of viewers. Our partners are just finalizing the next venue of the 
exhibit.  At the same time, we decided to publish an online version of the 26 
panels depicting and explaining the historical documents. I kindly invite you 
to have a look at the online exhibit either through www.liberalparty.ph or 
http://www.fnf.org.ph/online-exhibit .

As usual, I am attaching a commentary with some personal political observations 
to this note. The topic I deal with is not a fortunate one. In my eyes, the 
proclamation of a state of emergency by the president does not only reflect the 
continuing political crisis in this country, it is also indicative of what I 
term the weakening of Philippine democracy. 

Thank you and kind regards,
 
(Dr. Ronald Meinardus)
 
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The monthly Liberal Times Manila newsletter informs about activities of the 
Friedrich Naumann Foundation in the Philippines and beyond. This issue has been 
sent to 1850 individuals and organizations. If you do not wish to receive our 
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More information on recent FNF-activities is waiting for you at www.fnf.org.ph.
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The Weakening of Philippine Democracy

In democracies, governments have a constitutional right, even an obligation, to 
protect the democratic order against the enemies of the state. In line with 
this basic principle, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (GMA) justified the 
imposition of emergency rule as a preemptive action against what she termed 
“the historical enemies of the democratic Philippine State.”

Presidential Proclamation No. 1017 provides the legal basis for the emergency. 
It defines these forces as a coalition of “elements in the political opposition 
(who) have conspired with authoritarians of the extreme Left and the extreme 
Right, represented by military adventurists, who are now in a concerted and 
systematic conspiracy, over a broad front, to bring down the duly-constituted 
Government.”

Information regarding the persons who are behind the alleged conspiracy and the 
events that lead to the imposition of emergency rule remain sketchy. So far, 
the government has not presented credible facts on the exact extent of the 
alleged “concerted and systematic conspiracy.” Not surprisingly, this, in turn, 
has fanned suspicions that the stated conspiracy is but a ploy with the prime 
motive to justify the repressive policies and intimidate the opposition. Adding 
to this scenario have been inconsistent statements from government and security 
officials regarding the exact degree and also the quality of the threat. 

While the president’s handlers spoke of power hungry rebels who were about to 
take over, the top military official disputed the notion that a power grab 
could take place. “This is not an organized group. This is an action of an 
individual officer”, said General Generoso Senga, the Chief of Staff of the 
Armed Forces of the Philippines. . “There is no coup,” GMA’s top military 
official added. “There is (only) an attempt by some soldiers to join the people 
in the protest rallies.” 

Among the first to come out in public decrying Mrs. Arroyo’s decree was former 
President Fidel Ramos. Until recently, Mr. Ramos was considered the president’s 
most crucial ally. Less than a year ago, he helped GMA survive a concerted 
resignation call from the opposition and a sizeable portion of the business 
community. “It is an overreaction, an overkill”, an irritated Mr. Ramos said in 
a television interview, suggesting that the president could and should have 
confronted the challenges to her rule by using the existing political and legal 
means at her disposal. 

The appropriateness of state actions is one of the central canons of democratic 
governance. This basic rule applies to democracies in all parts of the world. 
The less government infringes on the rights and liberties of the citizens, the 
better the democratic quality of governance may be called. >From a democratic 
vantage point, it is always problematic if governments say they need to curtail 
democratic rights to protect democracy. Usually, this is the rhetoric of 
dictators and other authoritarian rulers.

Public statements that pay lip service to democratic ideals have little 
relevance as long as conditions exist that curtail basic freedoms. One such 
freedom, and a cornerstone of every democratic society, is the freedom of 
expression. The mere fact that the chief of the Philippine National Police 
(PNP) went on record and threatened to take over media organizations that don’t 
follow government standards indicates serious democratic decay. A raid on a 
pro-opposition newspaper and arrests of parliamentarians and other government 
critics are further symptoms of highly illiberal government intentions. As the 
so called fourth estate media play a crucial role of public control. They 
become even more important considering the specific Philippine setting, where 
the traditional system of checks and balances has been weakened – some 
Filipinos even say neutralized – by a power-obsessed executive branch.

During her five-year reign, Mrs. Arroyo has done little to strengthen the 
democratic institutions. The political parties remain weak and have hardly any 
impact. The Lower House of parliament is under full control of the president’s 
allies. Efforts to confront the president in a constitutional manner are more 
or less confined to the Senate. The Upper House’s oppositionist role may also 
explain why in the government’s blueprint for a new constitution there is no 
room left for that chamber. 

For some time, Mrs. Arroyo and her allies have been pushing for constitutional 
change from the presidential to a parliamentary form of government. But this 
project has also been tainted politically, as many Filipinos perceive it as a 
scheme of the president to hold on to power until 2010. 

For many of her critics, Mrs. Arroyo’s imposition of emergency rule comes as no 
surprise. They have repeatedly lamented that infringements of the freedom of 
assembly and the investigative powers of Congress decreed by the president are 
harbingers of impending emergency rule or even martial law. 

The state of Philippine democracy has once more become an international issue. 
In its recent annual report on the global state of human rights and democratic 
freedoms, the U.S. think tank Freedom House has downgraded the Philippines from 
a “free” to a “partly free” country. The institute said that the negative 
status change was “based on credible allegations of massive electoral fraud, 
corruption, and the government’s intimidation of elements in the political 
opposition.”

Such words may be termed a kick in the face for a nation that has been 
celebrated (and has celebrated itself) as a beacon of democracy in Asia and 
beyond. The recent events in Manila have further tarnished that once shining 
image. It is an irony and also a tragedy that Mrs. Arroyo chose to declare 
emergency rule on the very day that the Filipinos prepared to celebrate the 
twentieth anniversary of the people power revolution that ousted Dictator 
Ferdinand Marcos in 1986 and should change the world. 

In stark contrast to Mrs. Arroyo’s recent move, Philippine people power two 
decades ago will be remembered as one of the proudest days in the annals of 
global democratic history.

© The Korea Times: February 28, 2006





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The Internet and Democracy Across Asia:              MAY 2001
Online Trends in Governance, Civil Society and Media
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