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The Vanishing Nonvoter
Has Karl Rove brought too many new people to
politics?
By Chris Suellentrop
Posted Saturday, Oct. 30, 2004, at 10:34 PM PT

FORT LAUDERDALE�Republicans love to criticize
Democrats for failing to use "dynamic scoring"
when assessing the impact of tax cuts on budget 
revenues. 
But if President Bush loses the 2004 presidential
election, it may be because Karl Rove failed to
use dynamic scoring when assessing the impact of 
his political strategy on the electorate.

In budgetary matters, dynamic scoring means
including the effect that cutting taxes will have
on economic growth when determining how a tax 
cut will affect federal revenues. A static
analysis, on the other hand, would just decrease
the government's inflows by the amount that taxes
were cut (or increase revenues by the amount
taxes were raised), without calculating the 
ways a change in tax policy can change people's
economic decisions.

For the 2004 election, Rove's static political
analysis was that appealing to the 4 million
evangelicals who didn't vote in 2000 would bring 
President Bush a decisive re-election victory.
Bush's campaign�and his presidency�have 
appealed almost entirely to the base of the
Republican Party. In a static world, that
strategy makes sense: Consolidate the support you

received last time, and then find new
conservative voters who weren't motivated to 
turn out four years ago, whether because of the
late-breaking news of Bush's DUI arrest or
because they weren't convinced of Bush's
conservative bona fides. 
But Rove may have missed the dynamic analysis:
the effect that such a strategy would have on the
rest of the nonvoting public.

In most states, the Democratic voter-registration
program has outpaced the Republican one. Here in
Florida, that hasn't been the case, as the GOP
has turned up more new registrants across the
state than the Democrats. 
But evidence that Rove's unconventional strategy
inflamed the Democratic base can be seen in the
early-voting turnout, which seems to be favoring 
the Democrats. Friday's South Florida
Sun-Sentinel featured this headline on the front
page: "Early Vote Turnout Boosts Democrats."
Calling the turnout in heavily Democratic Broward
County a "bad sign for President Bush's chances 
to win the state," the Sun-Sentinel noted that
"twice as many Democrats as Republicans had
either voted at early voting sites or returned 
absentee ballots in the county." In Miami-Dade,
another heavily Democratic county, Kerry stands
to beat Bush by 90,000 votes if a Miami Herald
poll conducted by John Zogby is accurate, Herald
columnist Jim DeFede wrote on Thursday. Al Gore
won the county by less than 40,000 votes.

"By our count, John Kerry already has a
significant lead with the people who have already
voted in Florida," Tad Devine said in a
conference call with reporters Saturday. The
voters who are waiting in line for 2 1/2 hours to
vote�almost exactly how long the line was
Saturday at the downtown Fort Lauderdale public
library�aren't doing that to register their
support for "more of the same," he said.
Interestingly, Devine sounded more confident
about Kerry's chances in Florida than in Ohio, a
state in which most people think Kerry has a
slight edge. He said that Kerry had a "small but 
important advantage" in Florida (as well as
Michigan, Minnesota, New Hampshire, and
Pennsylvania) but only that the race was "very
close" with Kerry "positioned to win" in Ohio,
putting that the Buckeye State in the same
category as Bush-leaning (by most accounts)
states Iowa, Nevada, and New Mexico.

It's possible that Rove and the Bush campaign
have turned up a huge trove of conservative
nonvoters who were registered to vote four years
ago and who therefore aren't showing up in the
numbers of new registered voters. Unless that's
true, however, the early indications are that
Rove's repudiation of centrist politics will
backfire. The secret of Bill Clinton's campaigns
and of George W. Bush's election in 2000 was the
much-maligned politics of small differences: Find
the smallest possible majority (well, of
electoral votes, for both men) that gets you to
the White House. In political science, something
called the "median voter theorem" dictates that
in a two-party system, both parties will rush to
the center looking for that lone voter�the median
voter�who has 50.1 percent of the public to the
right (or left) of him. Win that person's vote,
and you've won the election.

Rove has tried to use the Bush campaign to
disprove the politics of the median voter. It was
as big a gamble as any of the big bets President 
Bush has placed over the past four years. It has
the potential to pay off spectacularly. After
all, everyone always talks about how there are 
as many people who don't vote in this country as
people who do vote. Rove decided to try to get
the president to excite those people. Whether
Bush wins or loses, it looks like he succeeded.


Chris Suellentrop is Slate's deputy Washington
bureau chief. You can e-mail him at
[EMAIL PROTECTED]

http://slate.msn.com/id/2108924/fr/ifr/



                
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