On 11.6.2011, at 6.09, Dave Ketchum wrote:

> Why are we here?
> 
> It certainly made sense to come and explore.
>    . We find ourselves asking the voters to do some truncating.
>    . Counters may have to adjust counting ballots.
> 
> Among the many variant Condorcet methods there are various ways of handling 
> cycles that are close to defining CWs - why not start from here, especially 
> for such cycles?

I like this thinking since I have been advertising the simplicity of "elect the 
candidate that needs least number of additional votes to beat all others" :-). 
That is a clear (one possible) extension of the Condorcet criterion.

Why are we here then? I tend to think that the reason is the fact that 
Condorcet methods have some vulnerabilities like interest to compromise and 
burial. Especially burial looks bad since there some grouping can potentially 
make their favourite win by falsifying their preferences (compromising is less 
dramatic than this). In an otherwise excellent method these vulnerabilities 
look even worse. We don't have a tradition of using Condorcet methods in 
competitive elections, so we don't really know how people will react to them, 
and that makes us fear that they might even collapse. As a result there have 
been active studies on how Condorcet methods could be defended and how 
Condorcet voters could defend themselves in case something goes badly wrong. 
Since there have been lots of studies, there has been also lots of focus on 
these vulnerabilities. Various campaigns in favour of different methods may 
also seek problems in other methods, and one needs to defend against such 
claims. 
 All this has made strategic questions maybe the most central topic in 
Condorcet related discussions. And still, we don't even know how much different 
strategies will be a problem in real life elections. My hunch is that they may 
be less of a problem than all this discussion might imply.

When we have discussed all the strategies for long, the other line of 
discussion, namely performance with sincere votes, has not received equal 
attention. I think it s also essential that when a method picks some candidate 
we have clear reasons why just this candidate was chosen. Otherwise the method 
may look just like a random collection of rules that pick a random winner. 
Condorcet methods are however never quite that bad since we can assume that in 
many elections there is a Condorcet winner and we can quite well explain why 
that candidate was a good choice. There are people who may not like the idea of 
electing sometimes someone with less first preference support than some other 
candidates, but we have to live with that and either claim that the Condorcet 
approach is the best one or at least one reasonable one (and that we have not 
seen any better rules that would work also in competitive majority based 
elections).

One more essential reason behind not having clear answers to why it is 
difficult to identify agree what the best methods are is the existence of 
cyclic group preferences. Such cyclic preferences do not follow the thinking 
patterns that we are used to when discussion about linear / transitive 
preferences. We expect the opinions of individual voters to follow these rules, 
but we should not treat group opinions the same way. Individuals can quite 
easily say which candidate they like best. But we need some completely new 
thinking to be able to address the question which candidate is the best for a 
group.

Anyway, although there are many complexities on the path, I think we should be 
able to find few exact formulations on which candidate could be considered to 
be the best. Such rules may vary depending on the needs of the society but I'm 
sure some of the rules are good general purpose rules too. And of course we 
have to take into account that we can only use rules that do not lead into 
problems in the area of strategies (we know that e.g. number of pairwise losses 
may not be a good rule in environments where people can nominate any number of 
candidates). If we assume that real world experiences will show that in many or 
most societies people can refrain from (other than marginal) strategic 
activities when using Condorcet, we might be in a position to pick the 
Condorcet method that we consider ideal from the sincere ballots and best 
winner point of view. And if that is not the case, maybe we can try tricks like 
the false polls trick that I advertised in other mails to force peop
 le back to decent voting practices rather than change the method to some other 
method that does not elect as good candidates with sincere votes.

All in all, even though there can be no perfect voting methods I'm quite 
hopeful that we can do pretty well here.

Juho





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