Sounds like you have a bunch of racist bigots on the Police Farce,
over there......

The underlying cause
By Arif Azad | From the Newspaper
(17 hours ago) Today

THE recent riots in London that subsequently spread to other British
cities were triggered by the fatal shooting of Mark Duggan, who hailed
from London’s black community, by the Met police’s Trident unit on Aug
4.

As in the past, suspicions arose over the police account of the
shooting which, the force maintained, was resorted to when it was
fired upon. With family mistrust of the police account deepening,
tensions escalated into an explosive confrontation when the Tottenham
police station reportedly failed to give plausible answers to Duggan’s
grieving family and its supporters.

Violence erupted into a seemingly unending round of riots.

By Aug 8, riots were being reported from Hackney, Walthamstow, Ealing,
Woodgreen, Peckham and Croydon. Skirmishes between police and youth
were soon reported from Birmingham and Liverpool which degenerated
into a familiar looting spree, with police reportedly standing by. The
extent and scale of the riots forced Prime Minister David Cameron to
cut short his vacation and announce a slew of measures to control the
rioting in an emergency session of parliament.

In fact, these riots have not erupted out of nowhere. They are only
the latest in a series that dates to 1981 when the first serious and
sustained race riots occurred in Liverpool and Brixton in London (the
Notting Hill race riots in 1958 were on a smaller scale). In these
riots, and other sporadic ones, high-handed policing of local
communities was perceived as the spark.

The 1981 Brixton riots resulted in a major inquiry led by Lord Scarman
which found that anger against the harsh policing methods of ethnic
minority communities was a major trigger.

The Scarman report, a landmark in British race relations, also
indicated urban deprivation, unemployment and widespread
discrimination as the underlying triggers. Although it stopped short
of recommending positive action, the report proposed better ethnic
policing practices in addition to urban regeneration and employment-
enhancing schemes. Yet these
recommendations failed to make any positive impact on police-ethnic
community relations. As a result, mistrust between the police and
local communities continued to grow.

In 1997, the Macpherson inquiry was set up to inquire into the police
investigation of the murder of a black teenager Stephen Lawrence. It
found a widespread culture of institutional racism embedded in the
structures of the police, thus rendering the latter’s operation
discriminatory. Several years after these inquiries, not much seems to
have changed in the way ethnic minorities are policed as exemplified
in the recent bout of race riots.

The perception of black and ethnic minority communities as being over-
policed as suspects and under-policed as victims has come to prevail
in ethnic minorities as a consequence. Figures from various sources
seem to back up this view with one source asserting that black and
ethnic minorities were nine times more likely to be stopped and
searched as compared to their white counterparts.

However, more germane to the current debate is the growing number of
deaths of members of ethnic minorities in police custody or police
shooting as compared to the situation regarding the whites. Writing in
the Guardian, Nina Power, an astute commentator on criminal justice
and policing issues, has suggested a figure of over 400 deaths of
members of black and ethnic minorities in police custody since 1990.
Yet no police officer has been convicted. This figure does not include
those who died as a consequence of racially motivated violence.

How have the ethnic and black communities reacted to discriminatory
policing and the racially motivated violence of the far right? Black
and ethnic minorities have responded by forming community defence
groups led by members of suffering families. In my research on this
model of family-led campaigns, I identified 84 family campaigns for
justice running alone in 2006. The thread that binds these family
campaigns is the uniform demand for transparent and sensitive ethnic
policing and improved family-police communications on the direction of
police investigation in the case of a) racially motivated violence; b)
death in police custody and police shooting; and c) death in
suspicious circumstances.

On Aug 6, the family of Mark Duggan was continuing in the tradition of
family-led community campaigns when together with its supporters it
gathered outside the Tottenham police seeking the answer to the simple
question of how Duggan came to be shot. When the family, supported by
the community, was turned away without being seen by senior-level
police officers the vigil turned violent.

With pre-existing, adverse social conditions that include a number of
factors like unemployment, pared-down youth services and substandard
sink estates, this inadvertent and insensitive snub to the dead man’s
family lit the spark that erupted into flames of violence engulfing
Tottenham, that has witnessed previous riots, and other parts of
London, and spreading to other British cities.

One grieving family’s anger at being unjustly treated tapped into
wider social pathologies, leading to copycat riots in other boroughs
with similarly depressed socio-economic profiles. The race riots call
for sober reflection on what went wrong. Given the multiple and
complex conditions and mindsets underpinning the current riots it
would be unproductive to treat the violence as a purely law and order
issue as is apparent from the official response. The need for looking
at wider social triggers and underlying causes has never been more
urgent if race riots are to be contained in the future.

The writer specialises in public policy issues.

arif_az...@hotmail.com

On Aug 11, 3:06 pm, nominal9 <nomin...@yahoo.com> wrote:
> I hope so.....long past time to oust that Rupert Murdoch Puppet
> Government of PM David CameROON and His Bobby BuFFOONs...
>
> Cheerio...
>
> HAR

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