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There are different ways to treat the subject of regulation in such cases.

The precedents Sloan cites are essentially holdings that it is not
unconstitutional to regulate in "reasonable" ways that only incidentally
affects the exercise of a right, in other words, that does not put an "undue
burden" on the exercise. This is based on the not unreasonable realization
that almost anything government does is going to have some adverse effects,
if only minor ones, on the exercise of almost every right by everybody.
Reality is an interconnected chain of causality in which everything affects
everything. So the argument shifts to how much is too much, when balanced
against other rights, and we need to show that anything that diminishes the
deterrent effect of firearms presents such an undue burden.

We can then turn the debate to whether prospects for future speculative
infringements can have any weight against present actual infringements in
deciding the balance. Most "regulation" is based on theories, often
far-fetched, about chains of causality, many of which are beyond the
competence of government or the courts. It is usually not difficult to
demonstrate the incompetence of such theories even to judges.

The next approach to take is to argue that while there might be some power
to regulate, the direction and purposes for which such power may be
constitutionally exercised is not, contrary to Justice John Marshall,
"plenary" within a subject area, but constrained by certain purposes. If we
examine the original understanding of the Founders, we find they did indeed
contemplate certain kinds of regulation of firearms and militia, but only in
ways that would enhance their effectiveness as militia.

Thus, when citizens are called up as militia, and bring their own arms, it
is certainly within the authority of the state or their commanders to
prescribe what kinds of weapons are to be used for each kind of mission. A
regulation that a sniper use a long-range rifle instead of a shotgun, or
that a guard on sentry duty use a shotgun instead of an RPG, or that the
militiaman should go unarmed on a spy mission, is an appropriate regulation.
It would be reasonable to regulate firearms manufacturing to require that
all weapons labeled to work with a certain caliber of ammunition actually
work reliably with that ammunition.

In other words, there are regulations that are constitutional, but they are
only regulations suitable for keeping a military force as effective as
possible. The delegation of such regulatory power is not the delegation of
discretion to use it in ways not appropriate for the militia purpose.

Note that I am speaking here of state regulations, not federal, which are
limited to federal territory and militia in actual federal service, or for
implementation by state militia officers, which would mean locally elected
commanders if the state does not otherwise provide for their appointment.

The legal position the NRA should take, both in pleadings and rhetorically,
is that the Militia Act of 1792 provides the model and the beginning for the
only kind of legislation on the subject that is constitutional, and that the
only way to disable exercise of the RKBA is judicially, and at the state or
local level only, by granting a petition to disable for either abuse of that
right, or as the prescribed penalty for the abuse of another's right, in
each individual case. What is not constitutional is to federally forbid
firearms to any person on the basis of state court decisions or other
history that might be indicative of potential future abuse, but that do not
explicitly disable, or restrict, the exercise of the right, in the court
order or sentence. That kind of thing violates the prohibition on bills of
attainder. See my law review article at
http://www.constitution.org/col/psrboa.htm

Sam Sloan wrote:
I hate to break it to youse guys, but a claim that under the constitution
the federal government has no right, none whatsoever, to regulate firearms
has no chance, absolutely zero, of winning or of even being given a hearing
by the US Supreme Court.
...

Thus, the NRA gradual approach is the only approach with any chance of
getting anywhere.

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