Agreed.

There is an even easier logic that _could be_ for these questions.  It would 
center on how much agency is given to a person by inhabiting an office, and 
where exclusion of the person needs to be done to keep that agency from 
enabling actions that destroy whatever system “the country” has collectively 
granted legitimacy.  In that priority, the looser the cannon, the more 
important to vet the pattern of directions in which it tends to point.

I expect we all know what the outcome will be.  Since current SCOTUS has 
demonstrated that some word-sausage can be composed and prepended to any 
predetermined agenda, and the participants in The Spectacle will provide an 
endless stream of entertainment commentary but not do anything, and the various 
chickens will squawk but not do anything, the majority will come up with 
something that may as well be random and then follow it by saying the electoral 
college will get to decide.

Quite apart from the question of “offices”, there was another side of the 
question that to me seemed sensible as reasoning.  The question of citizenship 
or age are matters of “record”, not exactly like “laws of physics”, but 
questions over which there has been little enough effort to claim reality 
doesn’t apply to them that there isn’t much “legalism” to deciding them.  In 
contrast, whether one is or is not an insurrectionist is explicitly a matter of 
legal decision.  One could say that, since states administer elections 
(federalism and all that), their own courts should be permitted to determine 
this question in whatever higgledy-piggledy way they like.  In other matters, 
the states-rights club like this line of sophistry.  But even within the 
constitution, there probably is a distinction between “administering” an 
election and dictating what the criteria for national-level elections even 
_are_; the states are not permitted (I imagine, but I am not a constitutional 
scholar) to decide that one state goes by Russian rules, another by Chinese 
rules, another by Finnish rules, and another by South-Sudanese rules).  And by 
that criterion, since this is an election to a national office, one could argue 
that the legal decision on whether X has or hasn’t engaged in an insurrection 
should probably be something determined and handed down in a federal court, 
which then supersedes idiosyncratic state-level court decisions.  Would have 
been nice if we didn’t have two years of foot-dragging and procrastination 
before any of that movement started, so we could have such a decision in place 
now to refer to.  But if SCOTUS wanted to do something that wasn’t 
transparently contemptuous toward the concept of law, they could rule that the 
federal indictments on insurrection should be pushed to decision, and that 
decision should then dictate eligibility under the 14th in the “triggering” 
interpretation that is usually put forward.

On the current timeline, nearly nothing is going to get done before the 
republican primaries run.  But if enough pressure could be brought against the 
ones who keep upholding the delays, it could be done before the generals.  If 
the R party want to put him on their primaries, knowing that if he is convicted 
he is instantly disqualified from the generals, that is their business.  I have 
not heard anything to the effect that the constitution says political parties 
should be prevented from making self-defeating decisions toward their own 
stated goals, quite apart from whether the goals have any worth or value.  So 
they can take a roll at the casino, and bet over shooting themselves in the 
foot if they lose.  

Again, though, in a world now stuffed at the officeholder level by people who 
act always in bad faith, these arguments about sense or function are a pastime 
for the commentariat and other people who don’t really matter.

Eric



> On Jan 9, 2024, at 5:53 AM, Marcus Daniels <mar...@snoutfarm.com> wrote:
> 
> If Trump had been a staffer for a senator, he’d be SOL in this view?  If 
> that’s a good predicate for disqualification, it seems weird to specifically 
> not give an override to vetted individuals (appointed insurrectionists) 
> versus unvetted-by-appointment yet vetted by prior election.  
>  
> From: Friam <friam-boun...@redfish.com <mailto:friam-boun...@redfish.com>> on 
> behalf of glen <geprope...@gmail.com <mailto:geprope...@gmail.com>>
> Date: Monday, January 8, 2024 at 7:08 AM
> To: friam@redfish.com <mailto:friam@redfish.com> <friam@redfish.com 
> <mailto:friam@redfish.com>>
> Subject: Re: [FRIAM] "SSRN-id3978095.pdf" was shared with you
> 
> The argument seems pretty clear to me. "Officer" is jargonal, not intuitive. 
> Were I to read it charitably, I'd agree. Appointees are not elected. Electees 
> should have more leeway than appointees ... like the difference between an 
> elected Sheriff and her deputies. But like all dichotomies, this one is a bit 
> false, especially given that the [Vice]Presidents aren't really elected at 
> all. The Electoral College process feels more like a complicated appointment 
> mechanism than an election.
> 
> Anyway, everything that document says is monastery quality sophistry. Were 
> the "rule of law" actually like an axiomatic system, running it forward from 
> start to finish would be formal and automatic. But it's just not that formal. 
> It's cafeteria/buffet style; you can make anything you want out of it. Beware 
> the monks claiming it's axiomatic ... and that they alone are qualified to 
> turn the crank.
> 
> FWIW, I'm not familiar with Tillman. But Blackman's positions are one reason 
> I unsubscribed from the Volokh Conspiracy RSS feed: cf. 
> https://reason.com/people/josh-blackman/
> 
> At first, I read many of his posts with as much charity as I could. (Analyses 
> and opinions, not so much the historical ones. He's a competent scholar.) 
> Then I started skipping over them most of the time and focusing on the other 
> posters that were more reason-able (Ha!). Then I finally couldn't take it 
> anymore and removed the feed. [sigh] I'm not proud of that. My charity 
> muscles are fatigued. Blackman's opinions feel, to me, similar the Johns' 
> (Yoo and Rizzo) legal justification for waterboarding. It all makes me a bit 
> queasy.
> 
> p.s. Here's a more reliable link: 
> https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3978095 
> <https://linkprotect.cudasvc.com/url?a=https%3a%2f%2fpapers.ssrn.com%2fsol3%2fpapers.cfm%3fabstract_id%3d3978095&c=E,1,yVVdfMyXttthQ6PJ0cfLv8uuYdH1ZpQ6MNi27OdumgDwHu5sP60_NoS882NpxTxX5zfkjD_vJgd2OmEKS_PmIt5oWkEz0uJNx4uOaT5SgXc5dd0,&typo=1>
> 
> On 1/6/24 10:16, thompnicks...@gmail.com <mailto:thompnicks...@gmail.com> 
> wrote:
> > Hi, Everybody,
> > 
> > I have been curious about how (on earth!) the president could not be
> > considered to be an Officer of the United States.  After all, the
> > Constitution, Article II, tells us that "The President ...shall hold
> > office..."etc. This law review article  seems to be the source  I thought I
> > would post in in case anyone wants to read it. I won't get to it until later
> > today.
> > Nick
> 
> 
> -- 
> ꙮ Mɥǝu ǝlǝdɥɐuʇs ɟᴉƃɥʇ' ʇɥǝ ƃɹɐss snɟɟǝɹs˙ ꙮ
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