----- Forwarded Message -----
From: RDIABO <rdi...@rogers.com>
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Sent: Saturday, January 28, 2012 1:57:05 AM
Subject: Fw: Going to sleep in Harper's speech
 
FYI

-----Original Message----- From: Boyce Richardson
Sent: Thursday, January 26, 2012 3:55 PM
To: Russell Diabo
Subject: Going to sleep in Harper's speech

The following article appeared on Boyce's Paper, the personal blog of
Boyce Richardson (boycerichardson.blogspot.com)  after the Summit of
the FN with Harper:

My Log 286 Jan 24 2012
First Nations/government summit  leads to a plethora of expressions
of goodwill, obscuring a lack of anything specific (headline)

  I don’t remember ever having fallen asleep twice in response to a
political speech, but I managed it yesterday when Stephen Harper
addressed the Summit, as it was called, between the First Nations and
the government. While watching it on TV I nodded off during Harper’s
initial presentation; I was happy when CPAC repeated the speeches
later in the day, and listened attentively enough when Harper began to
speak, but what do you know, I fell asleep again before he finished.

My friends often tell me I am one of those people for whom the glass
is half empty, as distinct from those optimists for whom the glass is
always half full. But frankly, as I heard this improbable meeting
droning on, I have to confess my glass was not just half empty: it was
flat out empty. For National Chief Shawn Atleo, in contrast, who had
organized this meeting, the glass was positively overflowing, with
optimism. Oh, well, I can hardly blame him, for having got Harper and
his whole Cabinet to visit him and his native chiefs, Atleo had to get
something out of it, and one could tell from Harper’s anodyne
presentation that nothing much was forthcoming, if anything.

Atleo  said the First Nations were making a solemn commitment to a new
beginning in their  relationship with Canada and the Crown, and added,
“and we must not fail.”  The first thing was to repair the trust
between the two sides, that has been broken, and this meeting was the
beginning of that long journey.

Okay, no one could argue with that, I guess. Atleo,  giving a little
historical background, said the Indian Act in 1876 was “built on a
disgraceful premise of our inferiority.”  Numerous signposts had since
been erected testifying to the fact that the Act had “failed our
people”, including the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, whose
sensible recommendations, arising from their thorough investigation of
the actual situation, have been totally ignored for 16 years by
succeeding governments.

Just how Atleo can ever have hoped for a new beginning from Harper and
his gang of right-wing ideologues is a mystery to me. Harper’s main
adviser on Aboriginal questions has been Tom Flanagan, a Calgary
professor, and Goldwater Republican who has written two books
recommending a policy of assimilation, and its inevitable
privatization of the collective indigeneous culture, without having
ever been in an Aboriginal community in Canada. Behind him is a whole
range of academics and rightwing journalists who, having given some
attention to the subject, have unanimously declared discovery of a
path that, to them, is devastatingly novel, that is, assimilation, a
remedy that they show no signs of recognizing is the very policy that
has landed the Aboriginal people in their present parlous state.

Anyway, back to the meeting. Elaborate tributes had to be paid to
Harper, as Prime Minister, ignoring the fact that the three ministers
who spoke, John Duncan, Indian Affairs, Leona Agglukkaq, Health, and
Peter Penashue, Intergovernmental affairs, had nothing to say except
to recite the government’s noble works and good intentions in  this
field. Sixty-five land claims agreements signed in the last six years,
they said, so much money spent o n this and that. Of course no one
mentioned that some 800 land claims are still dragging their asses
through the system, that while the urgent demand for houses on
Aboriginal communities numbers 45,000, last year some 1400 were
built.  Inconvenient stuff, these facts.

Jody Wilson-Rayboult, AFN regional chief for BC, gave a nod to the
potential for development of Aboriginal businesses, but said that to
release those energies would require something more than the
“impoverished concept of government” that flows from the Indian Act.
This had led to the government’s idea that handing over Indian Affairs
programmes to the Indian bands to administer was equivalent to self-
government. But she said, no, sir. This was just the latest in a
history of colonial attitudes, which must end.  Speaking directly to
Harper, she said, “You cannot legislate self-gvernment for us.”

Ovide Mercredi, former national chief (and one whose independent
thinking was not to the government’s liking) said his purpose at this
meeting was to speak for the Treaties. If the Treaties were properly
understood, they could become the  powerful force for a renewal of
First Nations life in Canada. He quoted an elder who, when asked what
he thought of how things were going, said, “Act Indian, not Indian
Act.” (This was the second remarkable quote from an elder we had
heard: Atleo had recalled how his grandmother had seized his hand when
she heard Harper’s apology for the horrors of the residential school
system, and said, “Grandson, they are beginning to see us.”)

Ovide quoted the well-known judgment of Lord Denning in a case brought
by some First Nations people in  a desperate attempt to stop
repatriation of the constitution in 1982, which was proposed without
any mention of Aboriginal rights or titles.  Denning said he could see
no reason why the First Nations should distrust the government of
Canada, but if any such thing were to occur, they should know that
their rights and freedoms were guaranteed by the Crown, and no
Parliament would be able to lessen the worth of these guarantees,
which would be honoured by the Crown in right of Canada “as long as
the sun shines and the rivers flow, and this promise should never be
broken.”

Ovide was the only speaker who brought his audience to its feet in
spontaneous applause: he added that, if necessary, “we” would go to
Britain again. “That is not a threat,” he said, “but a statement of
our commitment to defend our rights and  titles.”

Matthew Coon Come, another former national chief who is now Grand
Chief of the Cree Grand Council of Quebec, told delegates that his
group had found it advantageous to enter into alliance with the
province of  Quebec, and said the province’s Plan Nord, for
development of the lands that once had been recognized as Cree
homeland, provided a superb opportunity for the Crees to win contracts
and develop the skills needed for them to take part in the exciting
work ahead. Economic progress, which the Crees were experiencing, and
governance,were two sides of the same coin, he said. Reform in the
economic field cannot succeed unless there is reform in  the field of
governance.

The meeting then adjourned, for reasons unexplained, into private
session, where various workshops were undertaken, on which the most
perfunctory reports were delivered at he closing ceremony four hours
later.

Later still, at a press conference, some journalists were able to ask
a few probing questions of the participants: the most interesting of
these came when Minister Duncan said that in the workshops and in
their previous legislation, they had established shared priorities
with the AFN.  “We have accomplished what we set out to do,” he said.
“We have re-established our relationship.” He posited the  First
Nations Land Management scheme as a signpost leading to a better
future, handing over to First Nations that asked for it control of
heir lands, and set up a system for “sharing the wealth” from their
lands. This, he said,  was already accepted by 55 First Nations, and
it effectively took them outside one-quarter of the provisions of the
Indian Act.

Under questioning,  as to the meaning of “sharing the wealth”, did
this mean they would have royalties, or simply jobs? Duncan said their
primary focus was on job training, and as the questioner remarked that
people were asking how there could be a profitable diamond mine
alongside the social disaster of Attawapiskat, Dunan was called away
by his officials, and drifted off.



When Atleo was asked the same question, he said the relationship with
the federal government should be based on “partnership, sharing and
trust. It means getting away from the Indian Act, and we can see that
Canada is willing to work with us in this new relationship.” A
questioner asked how he could be so positive about this new
relationship when, out of the other side of it's mouth, as it were,
the federal government was vigorously defending  more than 100 court
cases  taken to challenge their controls of Indian life, he had to
admit this was an anomaly, but one that they would have to work on to
improve.

It was notable that Prime Minister Harper did not speak at the final
session, although he was there to mop up the many accolades delivered
in his direction by other speakers. And as far as I could tell, this
“new relationshop”, at least in the minds of the government, is simply
the same old relationship, warmed over, and with a few steps towards
privatization that remind one strangely of the “termination policies”
once  tried to such devastating effect in the United States.

Still, one can’t blame Atleo for trying, I guess.

= 

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