This is the reason the problem is not just Bush and his daddy. Until the Democrat party understands that this group plans to take no hostages and tolerate no dissent, the American public will continue its path down the Hero's journey to tyranny. Old path, very wide. We were taught Julius Caesar in High School today they teach Midsummer's Night's Dream and Romeo and Juliet.
REH January 5, 2003 In a New G.O.P. Era, DeLay Drives Agenda for Congress By CARL HULSE WASHINGTON, Jan. 4 - Republicans returning on Tuesday to take over Congress have been bestowed with a precious political opportunity - the second chance. They bring with them not only historic gains in midterm elections but also the hope of proving to voters the benefits of one-party control, power they lost after just a few months in 2001. They say they are convinced they can leave behind the Trent Lott controversy over race and will instead be able to focus on a broad legislative agenda. In short, they are intent on solidifying their hold on a vastly changed Washington as the dominating Republican Party moves toward the 2004 presidential election. But one man will stand out among Congressional Republicans as they make their triumphant entrance on Tuesday: Tom DeLay of Texas, the incoming House majority leader, a fierce conservative who as the whip has done as much as anyone to engineer the new Republican hegemony by virtue of his campaign and legislative operations. Mr. DeLay is already considered a chief architect of Republican policy in Congress, and surrounded by his hand-picked lieutenants, he will become one of the most prominent public faces of the new Republican-controlled Congress. He is expected to maintain a firm grip on the party's agenda. "He understood from Day 1 what it took to be a majority and keep it," said former Representative Tillie Fowler of Florida. Even so, Mr. DeLay hopes this time around to soften his tough-as-nails reputation and redefine his nickname, the Hammer. "The hammer," he said, "is the most important tool a builder has." Mr. DeLay, described by opponents and allies alike as a ruthless tactician, has been invaluable in restoring to Republicans the full control of the lawmaking machinery that was abruptly snatched away in mid-2001 with the party switch of Senator James M. Jeffords, independent of Vermont. That shift in the balance of Senate power led to one legislative impasse after another. This time, Republicans plan to move forward quickly, before the next presidential election intrudes. They are readying an agenda of tax cuts, Medicare changes, increased energy production, legal liability limits and welfare revisions that they hope will maintain their ascendancy. "We have got the skids greased to really get some good public policy enacted," said Representative Sue W. Kelly, Republican of New York. Mr. DeLay will not be the only lawmaker moving into an enhanced position of authority under Representative J. Dennis Hastert, Republican of Illinois and speaker of the House. In fact, of the eight top party leaders in the House and Senate, six will be new in their jobs, with one, Senator Bill Frist of Tennessee, elevated unexpectedly by virtue of the furor that toppled Mr. Lott from his majority leader's position. Democrats, stung by the election losses, have been re-energized by the controversy over racially tinged remarks Mr. Lott made at Strom Thurmond's birthday party. Now Democrats intend to try to draw sharper distinctions between themselves and their Republican counterparts and do their best to derail legislation they do not like. "We can't do the rope-a-dope," said Senator Harry Reid of Nevada, the assistant Democratic leader, who used the boxing analogy to suggest that Democrats were not going to allow Republicans to back them into a corner and then try to dodge conservative proposals on the environment, taxes and health care. Mr. DeLay, who has demonstrated formidable power in the past, will not easily be denied. While much of the attention in recent weeks has been focused on the Senate and Dr. Frist, Mr. DeLay, given his wide circle of influence among lawmakers and lobbyists, looms large. Mr. DeLay, a former exterminator who was driven into politics by his anger at environmental restrictions on pest control, has built his House constituency one lawmaker at a time, with intervention on matters as crucial as a threat to their re-election and as mundane as providing pizza and ribs during a late-night vote. His attention to such detail and a reputation for keeping his word have won him fierce loyalty in the Republican caucus, even among more moderate members who might not share his ideological views. Members can recount how Mr. DeLay bailed them out on what might have seemed a minor issue, how he agreed to let them vote against the party on another, how he followed through on a pledge. "You have got to know how far you can ask members to go on any given day on any given issue," said Bill Paxon, a former New York congressman who is a close friend of Mr. DeLay's. "But while the members know that he will push them hard, he will never push them too hard." Elected whip in 1994, Mr. DeLay can be seen working the floor on close votes, smilingly persuading some lawmakers to go with the party, cajoling others and glowering when he thinks it might work. He very rarely loses. Mr. Lott, the former House Republican whip who brought Mr. DeLay into the fold as one of his assistants, called Mr. DeLay the "best whip they ever had in the House, and that is a lot for me to say." Democrats find Mr. DeLay effective as well but say one of his signatures has been to block sound legislation, like a measure on patients' rights, by refusing to deal. "He takes no prisoners and he has been the point man for the very hard-line, noncompromising, extreme wing of the party," said Steny H. Hoyer of Maryland, the new No. 2 House Democrat. Many Democrats revile Mr. DeLay for his push for the impeachment of President Bill Clinton in 1998. Mr. DeLay, a born-again Christian who abhorred Mr. Clinton, insisted on a House vote on articles of impeachment even when it seemed Republican enthusiasm had waned. "Everyone thought impeachment was dead," said Representative Peter T. King of New York, who was one of the most outspoken Republicans against impeachment. But Mr. King said Mr. DeLay employed talk radio and other avenues to rally conservative Republicans and ultimately force a floor vote. "He really, in just a matter of weeks, mobilized a base that almost brought down the president of the United States," Mr. King said. Democrats also resent what they view as Mr. DeLay's heavy-handed efforts to pressure lobbying firms and trade associations to show loyalty to Republicans by cutting off contributions to Democrats or hiring Republicans. Mr. DeLay was once upbraided by the House ethics committee for pushing too hard. Democrats continue to say Mr. DeLay is too close to lobbyists. Mr. DeLay's allies say his reputation as a tough guy is exaggerated. "He is the most overrated boogeyman in Washington, D.C.," Representative Kelly said. Mr. DeLay himself said he did not fully fathom his public image. "It is just not me," he said. "I'm very passionate about what I believe in, and I am very aggressive about accomplishing that. Some people find that mean-spirited, but I don't find myself to be mean-spirited." While Mr. DeLay's role as the internal vote counter kept him somewhat behind the scenes, his new position will force him more into the public eye. His allies and others believe he can make the adjustment, since the job in some ways plays to what many see as his strong point. "One of Tom's greatest strengths is that he is so strategic," said Susan Hirschmann, his former chief of staff, who is now a lobbyist. "He is always looking at the next election, figuring out what Republicans have to do to grow the majority, and then he spends the rest of the time implementing that strategy." House Republicans also say Mr. DeLay has proven willing to get behind legislation he opposes if Mr. Hastert and others believe it is the politically shrewd move to make. They point to Mr. Bush's education measure, which Mr. DeLay helped pass despite his own problems with it. Other Republicans say that Mr. Hastert wields considerable power of his own within the caucus and that Mr. DeLay is hardly unchecked. "Any time it has really come down to it, I have thought that Denny was definitely the top guy," Mr. King said. Many Republicans say the House leadership team is now extremely tight-knit, a relationship strengthened in some ways by the departure of Dick Armey, the outgoing majority leader, who did not always enjoy a smooth relationship with Mr. DeLay. Above Mr. DeLay is Mr. Hastert, whose rise to speaker Mr. DeLay made possible. The new whip is Roy Blunt of Missouri, Mr. DeLay's trusted assistant. Other top posts have been filled by DeLay acolytes as well. In looking at one of the most important connections in Republican-controlled Washington, Mr. DeLay said he had a "very straightforward personal relationship" with President Bush. "We can talk very frankly with each other," Mr. DeLay said. The unknown quantity in the new Republican hierarchy may be Dr. Frist. The House leaders were all accustomed to dealing with Mr. Lott, and aides say that neither Mr. Hastert nor Mr. DeLay has had extensive dealings with Dr. Frist, a surgeon. Mr. Blunt, who worked with Dr. Frist on Mr. Bush's campaign, may know him best. He anticipates a strong working arrangement between House and Senate. And he expects Republicans, still relatively new to the majority Congressional status enjoyed for so long by Democrats, to get it right this time. "We have gotten a little better at being in the majority every single month," Mr. Blunt said. "We still make some mistakes and are going to make some this year, but I think we are increasingly improving our ability to get things done." _______________________________________________ Futurework mailing list [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://scribe.uwaterloo.ca/mailman/listinfo/futurework
