Now that larger numbers of people are living into old age,
developed countries are facing horrendous problems of paying for their
pensions and health care in the coming years. Whereas 30 or 40 years ago,
when many European countries instituted state schemes that were paid for
by those at work, there were anything between eight and ten workers for
every old age pensioner. Today, the ratio is four, and by 2035 the ratio
will be two. Clearly, there is a financial, as well as a population,
dilemma looming. There is no way that ordinary workers in the coming
years will be able to afford the standard of life that they expect
and to afford to raise enough children to replace themselves (2.2
children per family) and to pay for the pensions and health care
of the growing numbers of the old. Similar circumstances affect Japan,
America and the other white developed countries, formerly of the British
Empire.
The Chinese, being intelligent people, are aware of the inevitable
catastrophe that faces us and are intent on not falling into the same
trap while they still have time to avoid it. They are now reducing
state social security. They are insisting that those who are now working
save enough for their own old age. The Chinese people, normally high
savers, are being enouraged -- if not forced -- to save at an even higher
rate instead of being tempted to spend their way into high levels of debt
as consumers do now in western nations in the expectation that the state
will look after them when they get too old to earn an income.
Furthermore, the Chinese Poliburo is also insisting that pension funds
invest the premiums they receive in far higher quality investments than
pension funds in the west have done hitherto -- those that have cost
British pensioners at least £20 billion in bad investments in speculative
equities in the last ten years.
A recent OECD report suggests that western governments will have to think
hard about this problem. (One of the few politicians in England who did
so, Frank Field, got sacked by Tony Blair for doing so.) In the
immediate future, governments will have to start to encourage -- if not
force -- many more people to enter the work force -- that is, those who
are of working age but decline to make themselves available for
employment. This growing segment of the population is in addition to
those who are unemployed but are willing to work and help pay for welfare
benefits and pensions for the old.
Keith Hudson
<<<<
WORKING CAPITAL
A manifesto to raise employment
As developed economies emerged from their last deep recession in the
early 1990s, there was high anxiety about high unemployment. Thus in 1994
the OECD set out a programme of labour-market reforms through which its
member governments might cut the jobless count. A decade on, rich
economies are recovering from another slowdown and unemployment is on the
rise once again. On September 17th, in its annual Employment
Outlook, the OECD issued a new manifesto that reflects the anxieties
of western governments about jobs. But the aim this time is not just to
reduce unemployment but to raise employment.
Eh? What's the difference? Plenty, in fact. To be counted as unemployed,
people usually have to be part of the labour force: they must be
available to work and actively looking for a job. But there are many
other people of working age -- housewives, students, lone parents,
disabled people and early retirees -- who neither have work nor seek it.
These are termed the "economically inactive". Policies to cut
unemployment aim to lower it as a share of the labour force. Policies to
raise employment aim to raise the proportion of the whole working-age
population with jobs, not just by getting the unemployed into work but
also by mobilising the economically inactive.
One reason for setting the new goal is that OECD governments have had
some success in bringing down unemployment during the past decade.
Generally, jobless rates have fallen; in some countries, notably Ireland,
spectacularly. Some of the gains have been lost during the recent global
slowdown, but the setback has been less severe than in previous
downturns. Much of the long-term improvement will therefore prove
sustainable, argues the OECD.
However, the emphasis on raising the employment rate also reflects new
concerns, especially in Europe. A particular worry in the early 1990s was
that too many young people were unemployed -- ie, looking for work but
unable to find it. Now, governments are concerned that there are too few
young people in the labour market overall. In the European Union, there
are now four people of working age for every person aged 65 or over. By
2035, this ratio will have fallen almost to two-to-one. As it falls, the
burden on workers of tax-financed pension schemes will rise and public
budgets will come under ever greater stress. One remedy is to raise the
employment rate and so increase the number of people contributing to
public pension schemes.
The rationale for cutting unemployment is straightforward. If people who
want to work cannot find jobs, then potential labour resources are being
wasted and taxpayers are having to support the involuntarily idle. The
rationale for raising employment is less obvious. There are good reasons
why students, for example, are not employed. If people choose not to work
and can support themselves, what business is it of the state -- however
cash-strapped -- to try to push them into work?
One answer is that inactivity costs taxpayers money, over and above what
they must pay to support the unemployed. Besides unemployment payments,
there is a wide range of other benefits, including support for early
retirement, disability and lone parenthood. In the EU, there is now one
person of working age receiving a benefit for every three people in
employment. In America and Japan the figure is one in five. In many
countries a majority of people who are neither employed nor in education
get some form of income support.
Springing the trap
This benefit culture is not just a burden on the working taxpayer. It
also generates incentives for people not to work. In the early 1990s, the
talk was of unemployment traps, where high, long-lasting benefits dull
the spur to find work. Now the OECD highlights inactivity traps where
people outside the labour force face little financial incentive to seek
work.
The substantial variation in employment rates between broadly similar
economies suggests that in some countries there is plenty of scope for
getting more inactive people into work. In Iceland, for instance, 80% of
working-age women are employed; in Italy, the figure is a mere 42%. The
report estimates that a convergence in working patterns would raise the
average employment rate (for women and men) in OECD countries from 65% to
77%. Based on what the economically inactive say about their willingness
to work, the increase would be less, to 72%.
It is easier to identify the potential gain than to realise it. The OECD
sets out three main policies. The first is to make work pay for the
low-skilled. To encourage more of them into the labour market, more use
could be made of top-up benefits for those on low wages. Reduced payroll
taxes on low-paid jobs would enhance employers' demand for such labour.
The second is to remove other barriers to joining the workforce such as
the difficulties women find in juggling families and jobs; for example,
through subsidising child-care services. The third is to restrict the
flow of people on to out-of-work benefits and to encourage those already
getting them to look for jobs.
The main question is whether governments will have the courage to
implement the more unpopular reforms. By extending in-work benefits, they
will offer people a carrot to join the labour force; but as long as
people can draw welfare payments when out of work, there will be no
accompanying stick. The OECD calls for the removal of incentives to early
retirement, but this requires unpopular reforms, not just to pensions but
also to other benefits that allow older people to quit the
workplace.
Some increase in employment rates will occur anyway as a younger
generation of working women replaces an older generation that largely
stayed out of the labour force. But most countries will struggle to raise
the employment rate without harsh reforms. The OECD'S manifesto sets a
daunting challenge.
Economist 20 September 2003
>>>>
Keith Hudson, 6 Upper Camden Place, Bath, England,
<www.evolutionary-economics.org>
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