With text now....
By Kingsley Edney <http://www.chinadialogue.net/author/1415-Kingsley-Edney> and 
Jonathan Symons  

*
Given the fractious nature of international climate politics, an emerging 
global governance framework for geoengineering could be derailed if China 
is not fully engaged in the process*

Should we fear future international conflict over geoengineering of the 
earth’s 
climate?<http://is%20it%20better%20to%20let%20the%20greenland%20ice%20sheet%20collapse%20or%20use%20geoengineering/?>As
 the impacts of climate change become more apparent, might China and the 
United States take such divergent approaches that cooperative global 
governance of geoengineering will be impossible? Careful analysis of 
Chinese domestic political factors suggests that a feared scenario in which 
unilateral Chinese implementation of geoengineering triggers international 
conflict is highly unlikely, although not impossible.

A recent 
debate<http://www.chinadialogue.net/blog/6117-UN-climate-talks-can-spur-emission-cuts-in-China/en>in
 
*chinadialogue* over the capacity for international negotiations to prompt 
domestic action on climate change has highlighted the importance of 
transnational interaction for national climate politics. Where Li Shuo of 
Greenpeace China argues that international agreements 
spur<http://www.chinadialogue.net/blog/6117-UN-climate-talks-can-spur-emission-cuts-in-China/en>domestic
 Chinese efforts, Thomas Hale questions 
the 
potential<http://www.chinadialogue.net/article/show/single/en/6168-Understanding-China-s-domestic-agenda-can-end-UN-climate-gridlock>for
 the UNFCCC negotiation process to constrain national GHG emissions; 
rather, he argues that external actors can best influence national climate 
polices through strategic engagement with domestic policymaking. 

Hale cites the recent Xi-Obama Sunnylands agreement to regulate HFCs under 
the Montreal 
Protocol<http://www.chinadialogue.net/article/show/single/en/6160-China-s-shifting-stance-on-hydrofluorocarbons->as
 a case where international negotiations strengthened the hand of reform 
advocates within China, and so shifted the balance of domestic political 
forces. In Hale’s account effective international interventions must be 
strategic and engaged with domestic policy debates.

In an 
article<http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09512748.2013.807865#.UeSkVI03B8E>in
 
*The Pacific Review*, we consider the Chinese domestic policy factors and 
transnational interactions that will ultimately shape the international 
governance of solar radiation management (SRM). SRM refers to forms of 
intentional geoengineering of the planetary environment that seek to 
counteract climate change by blocking the absorption of solar energy. 

While there are many possible forms of SRM, most discussion currently 
surrounds techniques that would reflect sunlight by dispersing sulphate 
particles in the upper atmosphere. We know from previous volcanic eruptions 
that stratospheric sulphates have the capacity to cool the planet and studies 
suggest <http://iopscience.iop.org/1748-9326/7/3/034019/article> that the 
warming impact of GHG emissions could be negated by SRM for a fraction of 
the cost of constraining emissions. 

Although SRM has economic appeal, it is widely viewed as an undesirable 
fallback measure because a planet cooled by SRM would possess novel 
atmospheric chemistry; the environmental consequences are not fully 
understood but would include changes in rainfall and weather patterns, 
continued ocean acidification and potential harm to the ozone layer. 

Despite the obvious pitfalls, the continuing failure of global climate 
negotiations to arrest GHG emissions growth means that some form of 
planetary intervention seems increasingly inevitable. It is testament to 
this growing interest that the Fifth Assessment 
Report<http://www.ipcc.ch/activities/activities.shtml#.Ue3flo03B8F>of the 
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (2014) will, for the first 
time, review the science of geoengineering.

Since SRM could be initiated by any technologically capable country, but 
would have profound global implications, it creates a serious global 
governance challenge. Some scholars, including Clive Hamilton in a recent*
chinadialogue* 
interview,<http://www.chinadialogue.net/article/show/single/en/5952-China-could-move-first-to-geoengineer-the-climate>have
 worried that China might be tempted to implement SRM unilaterally. 
Fortunately, however, early steps toward strategic international engagement 
over SRM have been promising. In September 2011 a group of international 
scientists involved in the non-governmental SRM Governance 
Initiative<http://www.srmgi.org/>(SRMGI) conducted high-level meetings with 
Chinese scientists and 
government officials. These meetings raised SRM’s profile in China and have 
coincided with increasing interest within Chinese scientific funding bodies.

The result has been that the first serious discussion of SRM in China has 
occurred within an internationally connected scientific community. This 
context has reduced the likelihood that governance of SRM will be framed as 
an attempt by the developed West to impose restrictions on China’s 
development in the name of environmental protection. Early international 
scientific engagement also increases the possibility that states will share 
common *perceptions* concerning the costs and benefits of SRM. Shared 
conceptual perceptions of SRM are likely to ensure that perceptions 
concerning state interests also converge, and so are key to lowering the 
probability of future conflict.

Our research shows that there is currently more convergence than divergence 
between the public discussions of geoengineering in China and in the 
developed world. Media coverage of geoengineering in China mainly appears 
in the form of articles translated from Western sources, such as*The 
Guardian* or *The Economist*. As in the developed world, such coverage has 
shifted in a relatively short period from incredulous reporting of 
seemingly outlandish schemes toward more serious consideration of the pros 
and cons of various technologies. 

Despite this reliance on foreign news sources and the reluctance of the 
Chinese media to investigate China’s possible role in research and 
implementation of SRM, indigenous voices are beginning to emerge in the 
geoengineering debate in China. Senior scholar-officials such as Ding Yihui 
and Fang Jingyun have made public comments about geoengineering and will 
likely play an important role in shaping Chinese policy. Ding, who is the 
Deputy Director of the National Climate Change Experts Committee, has said 
that geoengineering technologies should only be used if we reach a point of 
sudden, irreversible change.

However, Fang, who headed an important 2009 project that investigated 
China’s climate change research strategy and in 2010 became a panel member 
on the InterAcademy Council’s UN-sponsored review of the IPCC, has stated 
that study of the feasibility and impact of geoengineering technologies 
should begin ‘as soon as possible’.

The open discussion in the Chinese media and the broad range of views put 
forward by Chinese experts indicate that there is not yet any official 
government position on geoengineering. China’s limited contribution to a 
2010 debate over a partial international moratorium is also consistent with 
this supposition. Given this vacuum, it seems likely that China’s 
scientific community – which is increasingly internationally networked – 
will have a real capacity to influence emerging policies.

While there is no shortage of media attention to geoengineering in China, 
actual research and implementation of SRM technology is much harder to 
locate. Despite the Chinese state’s expertise in weather modification and 
utilitarian attitude toward reshaping the natural world for human use, 
China has not been quick to embrace SRM research. 

If anything, China is only now beginning to follow the lead of countries 
such as Germany and the UK and engage with the geoengineering issue at a 
policy level. In the last two years geoengineering has been included in the 
list of priority research topics eligible for government geoscience 
funding, but it is still unclear how many Chinese scientists have actually 
applied for grants and how much money the state is investing in such 
projects. Fang’s call for more geoengineering research may have more to do 
with ensuring China stays abreast of international developments than with 
any desire to actually implement SRM technology in the foreseeable future.  

The current convergence between Chinese and global debates over 
geoengineering make it more likely that as China proceeds toward SRM 
research, and possible implementation, it will do so in a way that aligns 
with developing international norms. However, this does not mean we can 
assume cooperation is inevitable. Given the fractious nature of 
international climate politics as well as the general potential for 
friction between China and the US in their bilateral interaction, a nascent 
global governance framework for geoengineering could be derailed if China 
is not engaged fully in the process. 

A geoengineering 
regime<http://is%20it%20better%20to%20let%20the%20greenland%20ice%20sheet%20collapse%20or%20use%20geoengineering/?>negotiated
 without Chinese involvement will be vulnerable to charges of 
Western ‘eco-imperialism’ regardless of whether it takes a relatively 
permissive or restrictive stance towards SRM research and implementation. 
China’s desire to maintain a leadership role in the G77 might also see it 
seeking a distinctive ‘developing world’ perspective on geoengineering. The 
prospect of future implementation of SRM may free China to maintain its 
strict interpretation of the norm of ‘common but differentiated 
responsibility’ by reassuring vulnerable developing states that they can 
continue to take a hard line in global climate negotiations without fear of 
environmental catastrophe.

The important differences between China’s political system and those of 
states in the developed West can make it difficult for outside observers to 
understand China’s national climate politics. However, strategic 
international engagement with domestic Chinese debates over geoengineering 
is vital if a cooperative SRM governance framework is to emerge. 

Opponents of geoengineering may be unhappy with any attempt to legitimise 
SRM technology, but if Chinese perceptions of its risks and opportunities 
are in alignment with an emerging international consensus then at least any 
eventual moves toward implementation should occur in a context of 
multilateral cooperation.

On Friday, 2 August 2013 12:34:39 UTC+1, Tom Levitt wrote:
>
> An article on China's engagement with geoengineering - may be of interest
>
>
> http://www.chinadialogue.net/article/show/single/en/6254-China-s-domestic-agenda-and-the-global-politics-of-geoengineering
>
>
>
>

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