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WORLD VIEW
 21 NOVEMBER 2017
We can and must govern climate engineering
Use the Montreal Protocol to manage controversial work intended to limit
global warming, urges Stephen O. Andersen.
Stephen O. Andersen
 PDF version
<https://www.nature.com/magazine-assets/d41586-017-07296-4/d41586-017-07296-4.pdf>

Last month, the World Meteorological Organization announced a tragic
milestone. Average atmospheric carbon dioxide concentrations surpassed
400 parts per million in 2016. That level last occurred 3 million years
ago, when temperatures were 2–3 °C warmer and sea levels 10–20 metres
higher.

Unless strategies of reduced emissions, cleaner energy and the increased
use of carbon capture, utilization and sequestration are taken up
immediately, the last-ditch strategy will be climate engineering: ambitious
attempts to brighten clouds to reflect more heat back into space or
attempts to mimic the cooling caused by large volcanic eruptions. Many fear
that, when global leaders finally realize the peril of climate change, they
will jump at engineering projects without any evidence base, risking side
effects of unknown magnitude.

At present, research that would help predict the effects of mitigation is
unfunded or prohibited. To move forward, we need a way of governing
climate-engineering projects that includes oversight, regulation and
enforcement. My view is that the Montreal Protocol, which my global
colleagues and I helped craft to preserve Earth’s protective ozone layer,
could be expanded to quell concerns and guide the relevant research.

Many scientists, policymakers and activists justifiably worry that
climate-engineering attempts could make matters worse. The idea of ‘climate
rescue’ has often been spurned for fear that it might weaken the ambition
to reduce emissions. The experiments currently under discussion are
small-scale, or are funded by philanthropists without public accountability
or other checks and balances. One high-profile field trial — which proposed
injecting water into the atmosphere through a 1-kilometre-long hose
suspended by a balloon — was cancelled in 2012, in part for a lack of rules
on how to proceed. Academic institutions are not prepared to craft policies
or evaluate strategies, and none has the necessary status to convince world
leaders to follow its advice.

By contrast, the infrastructure of the Montreal Protocol has coordinated
government actions and brought success: 99% of manufactured ozone-depleting
substances have now been phased out; chlorine and bromine are decreasing in
the stratosphere; scientists are reporting the first evidence of healing in
the ozone layer; and most scientific investigations estimate recovery by
mid-century.

In the 1970s, chemists and atmospheric scientists warned that industrial
chemicals such as chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) were likely to be endangering
the ozone layer and acting as powerful greenhouse gases. The ozone hole,
unanticipated by scientists at the time, was reported in 1985, but even
when the protocol was signed in 1987, CFCs had not been definitively linked
to the depletion of ozone in the atmosphere. People feared that crucial
areas such as medicine, fire protection, aerospace and electronics would
suffer if these chemicals were banned. There was also concern that
technologies replacing CFCs would be less energy efficient and would use
greenhouse gases, and thus contribute to climate change.

The Montreal Protocol applied the ‘precautionary principle’ to justify
action before full scientific and technical consensus had been
reached — and it was not alone. The US Clean Air Act of 1977 similarly took
the stance that “no conclusive proof … but a reasonable expectation” of
harmful effects is sufficient to justify action.

Scientists do not yet know what the adverse consequences of climate
engineering could be, but they can agree that those of runaway
climate change would be catastrophic and possibly irreversible.

In my 40 years engaged in ozone protection, there were times when
commercial concerns or fears of adverse environmental impacts almost
derailed the work. I learned to watch carefully for signs of new objections
or obstruction, and to proactively resolve uncertainties to the
satisfaction of the parties to the protocol (the 197 signatory countries
and nations). Most often, that resolution was guided by a trio of
assessment panels — standing committees of technical experts who weigh
scientific evidence, forecast impacts, make recommendations and guide
negotiations.

Over the past three decades, the panels have built up enough trust for the
ratifying countries to agree unanimously several times to add new
controlled substances or to accelerate the phasing out of a substance.

The tasks essential for governing climate-engineering experiments are well
within the panels’ expertise. The Scientific Assessment Panel could deepen
understanding of the atmospheric system, especially models of stratospheric
modification; could help to specify and validate climate-engineering
methodologies such as the use of non-sulfate aerosols; and could develop
strategies to monitor for unreported climate-engineering activity. In
addition, it could report on climate-mitigation experiments and analyse the
atmospheric response. This could provide a basis for evaluating specific
proposals such as seeding clouds or injecting sulfur dioxide and
non-sulfate aerosols. Members of the assessment panels could decide to
expand their remit to include climate engineering or, better, could be
guided to do so by the member nations.

In my view it would be irresponsible not to investigate engineering
projects that might be the only solution fast enough to avert climate
catastrophe.
doi: 10.1038/d41586-017-07296-4

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