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Two types of resultative constructions that are unevenly distributed across 
languages (Talmy 2000) can be identified based on the lexicalization of 
manner and result meaning in the verbal main predicate: resultative 
secondary predication lexicalizes the manner component, while so called 
means constructions lexicalize the result component instead. However, this 
typology has been based primarily on non-serializing languages such as 
English and certain Romance varieties, in which the secondary manner or 
result predicate is necessarily non-verbal. This contrasts with 
resultatives in serializing languages, in which both the manner and result 
component are realized by verbal predicates, making it difficult to 
determine the underlying syntactic status of the respective predicates. By 
investigating the morphosyntactic and semantic properties of resultative 
serial verb constructions (RSVCs) in two serializing languages, Mandarin 
and Samoan, I argue that RSVCs are neither a uniform nor special phenomenon 
(contra Larson 1991; Slobin 2004), but show the same split observed in 
non-serializing languages. This observation has further implications on a 
unified configurational analysis of manner and result meaning within a 
syntactic account of event and argument structure building.

However, this typology has been established primarily on the basis of 
non-serializing languages, in which the secondary predicate is necessarily 
realized by a non-verbal predicate; this makes it easy to determine the 
main predicate status of the verbal predicate. This contrasts with 
languages that show verb serialization, i.e. constructions in which more 
than a single verbal predicate can appear in a monoclausal environment 
(Veenstra & Muysken 2017; Aikhenvald 2018; Hopperdietzel 2020). In 
resultative serial verb constructions (RSVCs), both the manner and the 
result predicate are realized by predicates of verbal category, as in the 
Lao (Kra-Dai) and Mandarin (Sino-Tibetan) examples (Lin 2004; Cole 2016).

The investigation of the morphosyntactic and semantic properties of Samoan 
RSVCs indicates that they belong to the class of means constructions, in 
that the adjoined manner verb modifies the underspecified causing event 
entailed by the causative result verb. Samoan-type RSVCs therefore differ 
from Mandarin-type RSVCs in the same way that Romance-type resultatives 
differ from English-type resultatives in non-serializing languages. As a 
consequence, RSVCs do not instantiate either a uniform or special type of 
resultative, but reflect the general split in the resultative domain on the 
relevant level of syntactic and semantic composition (Talmy 2016).

This paper is organized as follows: In section two, I motivate a 
configurational analysis of manner and result meaning based on the 
complementary distribution of manner and result meaning in simple 
predicates. Based on the categorization restriction on roots, I show that 
resultative secondary predication and means constructions represent two 
available strategies to express resultative meaning in a monoclausal 
environment. In section three, I compare the syntactic and semantic 
properties of resultative constructions in two serializing languages: 
Mandarin and Samoan. The results indicate that resultatives exhibit the 
same split in both serializing and non-serializing languages. In section 
four, I sketch out a refined typology of manner and result specification, 
which leads to a novel understanding of cross-linguistic variation in the 
verbal domain. Section five concludes.

One strategy to circumvent the categorization restriction is to express the 
result state with a pre-categorized element, i.e. resultative secondary 
predication (see Beavers 2012 for an overview). In this construction, a 
manner verb functions as the main predicate denoting the manner of an 
action that causes a result state denoted by the secondary predicate. In 
non-serializing languages like English, resultative secondary predicates 
are necessarily non-verbal; they are adjectival (16a) or prepositional 
(16b) (Larson 1991; Embick 2004).

Most studies addressing the internal structure of resultative constructions 
focus primarily on non-serializing languages, such as English or Spanish, 
in which the secondary predicate is readily distinguishable from the main 
predicate by its non-verbal nature. However, in many serializing languages 
resultative meaning is expressed by RSVCs, in which both the manner and 
result predicates are realized by verbs (Aikhenvald 2018; cf. von Prince 
2017; Verkerk & Frostad 2013).11

Although Talmy (2000) includes serializing languages in his original 
typology, much work on RSVCs (implicitly) presupposes that RSVCs are a 
uniform phenomenon. Based on studies of RSVCs in African and South-East 
Asian languages, RSVCs are commonly analysed as a form of resultative 
secondary predication with verbal secondary predicates (e.g. Larson 1991; 
C. Collins 1997; Stewart 2001). Moreover, other authors have argued that 
RSVCs are a distinct type of equipollently-framed resultatives, in which 
the manner and the result verb have equal predicational status (Slobin 
2004; Zlatev & Yangklang 2004; Ameka & Essegbey 2013).

In this section, I compare the syntactic and semantic properties of RSVCs 
in two serializing languages, Mandarin and Samoan, to demonstrate that 
resultative constructions in serializing languages exhibit the same split 
as in non-serializing languages on the relevant level (Talmy 2016). In 
doing so, I argue that RSVCs are neither uniform nor special.

Building on the morphosyntactic and semantic properties of Mandarin RVCs, I 
adopt a complementation analysis in which the initial manner verb takes an 
anticausative result verb as its complement (J. Liu 2021; cf. Lin 2004; 
Huang 2006). Therefore, Mandarin RVCs can be analyzed as resultative 
secondary predication with anticausative secondary predicates, as 
illustrated in (49) below. In particular, an eventive v2 head takes a 
result state-denoting ResP as its complement, forming an anticausative 
result verb via Res-to-v movement. An additional eventive v1 head takes the 
anticausative v2P as its complement, introducing an additional causing 
event, which is then modified by the manner root that is m-merged with v1. 
As a result, Mandarin RVCs involve a stacking of two causative vPs.16 
Despite the underlying structure of resultative secondary predication, the 
compound structure of Mandarin RVCs follows from additional Result-to-v 
movement of the embedded anticausative verb, familiar from means 
constructions in verb-framed languages (see section 2.4). While Result-to-v 
movement is blocked in resultative secondary predication in non-serializing 
languages due to the non-verbal nature of the result-denoting component, 
such movement becomes available in serializing languages like Mandarin as 
the incorporated result verb does not require re-categorization and 
therefore enables the modification by an additional manner root.
eebf2c3492

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