These are great lessons. If ignored we will be condemned indeed.
Rohit.

  From Pokhran to Gujarat
>
>by Praful Bidwai
>
>One of the most perceptive comments on the Pokhran-II nuclear 
>tests,
>which occurred this week four years ago, was made by a peace
>activist. He said: "They killed Mahatma Gandhi twice - first in 
>1948,
>
>and again in 1998." 'They' here clearly referred to the forces 
>of
>Hindutva, which fiercely oppose the Gandhian notions of 
>tolerance,
>secularism, pluralism and nonviolence.
>
>Fifty-four years ago, these forces were personified by former 
>RSS
>swayamsewak Nathuram Godse, who regarded Gandhi as effete and
>effeminate and an appeaser of Muslims and Pakistan. Today, they 
>are
>represented by former pracharak Narendra Modi, and other Hindu
>fundamentalists belonging to the BJP, who too regard Gujarat's
>Muslims as Pakistan's Fifth Column, who deserve to be killed.
>
>Is the Pokhran-Gujarat connection far-fetched? Actually, the 
>links go
>
>beyond the 1948-1998 analogy. Thus, the VHP's first response to
>Pokhran-II was to declare that the Hindus had finally "awakened" 
>with
>
>the "Shakti" series of tests, and to demand that India be 
>formally,
>constitutionally, declared a "Hindu State".
>
>Identically, VHP leader Ashok Singhal now terms Gujarat's pogrom 
>of
>Muslims as signifying, indeed proof of, Hindu "awakening" or
>"resurgence".
>
>Four years ago, the VHP announced it would build a temple to a 
>new
>national goddess, "Atomic Shakti", and carry Pokhran's 
>radioactive
>sands in a rath yatra to each corner of India. Today, it is 
>reaping
>the harvest of the seeds sown by its campaign to build another
>illegitimate temple, at Ayodhya, fertilised by kar sewaks who 
>went
>there from Gujarat in their thousands.
>
>Beyond such analogies lie deeper, causal connections. Gujarat was 
>a
>"Hindutva-only" affair. (That is why the BJP remains totally 
>isolated
>
>on its support for the pogrom). Pokhran-II too was a parochial,
>'BJP-RSS-only', thing, not a national enterprise.
>
>The decision to conduct the blasts was not taken in the 
>cabinet,
>following a 'strategic review' or consultations with the 
>defence
>services. As RSS chief K.S. Sudarshan boasted, it was taken by 
>the
>Sangh. Only a handful of RSS-loyal ministers were privy to it.
>Indeed, most of our hawkish 'strategic experts' did not 
>advocate
>actual testing. Never known for much independence, they however 
>duly
>fell in line on May 11 and spun out fanciful ex-post
>rationalisations. Four years on, these appear hollow and 
>fraudulent.
>
>After the 1998 elections, and even before Pokhran-II, the BJP
>jealously, doggedly, stuck to its manifesto's promise to 
>"reevaluate
>the country's nuclear policy and exercise the option to induct
>nuclear weapons", and imposed it on the NDA's 'National Agenda 
>for
>Governance', which repeated it verbatim. Such repetition occurred 
>on
>only one other issue: constitutional review.
>
>It is easy to see that Hindutva's obsession with nuclear 
>weapons
>derives from a certain conception of power and prestige, and of
>nationalism. This notion of power is quite unrelated to 
>security,
>even conventional military security.
>
>The BJP-Jan Sangh's half-century-old demand that India should 
>go
>nuclear was made irrespective of the state of India's security
>environment at any point. It is driven by a neurotic fascination 
>with
>
>nuclearism, the worship of the ability to wreak limitless 
>vengeance
>and bludgeon the adversary into submission - by threatening 
>mass
>destruction. Power here is equated with the ability to cause 
>mortal
>fear, not evoke respect.
>
>This conception is morally perverse. It makes nonsense of the 
>ethics
>of just war, including non-combatant immunity, proportionality in 
>the
>
>use of force, and avoidance of cruel, degrading and inhuman 
>methods.
>
>One can embrace nuclearism with BJP-style enthusiasm only by 
>erasing
>all distinctions between soldiers and civilians, measured (or
>well-targeted) and indiscriminate force, and just and barbaric
>methods of warfare. How else can one justify incinerating 
>millions of
>
>people, flattening whole cities at one go, or extensively 
>poisoning
>land, air and water with long-acting toxins (some with half-lives 
>of
>millions of years), or inflicting chromosomal damage upon scores 
>of
>as-yet-unborn generations?
>
>It is also relevant to ask how one can justify, as Hindutva does, 
>the
>
>slitting of wombs to destroy foetuses, spearing little babies 
>to
>death, burning alive old people, and savaging and quartering 
>women's
>bodies. That is precisely what happened in the Gujarat 
>massacre,
>which the BJP and its associates organised and executed with 
>full
>State complicity.
>
>When you 'normalise' Genghis Khan-level barbarism as the 
>"natural"
>logic of action-and-reaction, when you plot the butchery of 
>innocent
>citizens because 'they', some members of that false collectivity, 
>did
>
>a Godhra to 'us', when you malign Muslims as people incapable 
>of
>living with others, when you demonise and dehumanise a whole
>community, you follow the same logic as nuclearism does.
>
>Common to both is the legitimation of genocidal destruction, of 
>a
>break in the chain of being, of unlimited punishment 
>disproportionate
>
>to the threat/crime. Rationalising a pogrom or worshipping 
>nuclear
>weapons means banalising evil. Both celebrate revenge and 
>savagery
>bordering on genocide.
>
>The BJP's conception of nationhood involves a warped notion of
>grandeur based on the congruence of pitrabhoomi and punyabhoomi, 
>and
>privileging of one ethnic-religious group. Central to it is
>exclusion, coercion and violence, as well as false glorification 
>of
>India's past. Hindu nationalism is just as incompatible with 
>the
>Constitution and universal rights as Islamic or Zionist
>fundamentalism.
>
>The bomb serves this idea of nationhood ideally. Nuclearism 
>denies
>the possibility of drawing upon humane values and life-affirming 
>or
>cooperative attitudes. This mindset promotes what are 
>conventionally
>known as 'masculine' values: lack of compassion, eagerness to
>retaliate, violence, and brutality. No wonder, Hindutva has a
>compulsive and obsessive fascination with 'manhood' and 
>'virility'.
>This has nowhere been more evident than in Gujarat.
>
>Central to this muscular, male-supremacist, virulent nationalism 
>is
>the idea of 'sacrifice' and 'martyrdom' - in the cause of mass
>destruction. The first South Asian leader who said, "we'll eat 
>grass,
>
>but we'll have the bomb", was not Bhutto. It was Atal Bihari
>Vajpayee, way back in the Sixties - with a variation: eating 
>one
>chapati in place of two, rather than grass.
>
>Needless to say, the leaders who pledge such sacrifices on behalf 
>of
>the people never end up eating grass themselves. They merely 
>prepare
>the ground for profoundly irrational, hysterical ways of
>conceptualising security - by severing the people from the 
>nation.
>
>The causal chain that links Pokhran to Gujarat is unmistakable. 
>The
>first mindset evolves seamlessly into the second. If Gujarat 
>has
>inflicted unconscionable damage upon India's constitutional order 
>and
>
>its claim to pluralism, nuclear weapons have grotesquely 
>perverted
>our social and economic priorities, promoted crude 
>Social-Darwinist
>ideas of "survival of the fittest", legitimised unbounded cruelty 
>-
>and degraded India's security.
>
>Nothing illustrates this better than today's India-Pakistan 
>military
>standoff, born of reckless brinkmanship, aggravated by a 
>cynical
>'Wag-the-Dog' calculus, and further compounded by the 
>condemnable
>Jammu massacre. There is now a likelihood of "limited" strikes
>rapidly escalating into a nuclear standoff.
>
>More than a billion innocent, unarmed civilians in South Asia 
>have
>now become hostage to mass-destruction weapons against which 
>there
>is, can be, no defence. Four years after Pokhran-II - and the 
>Chagai
>tests it provoked - the nuclear balance sheet looks ugly.
>Nuclearisation has had a disastrous social, economic, political 
>and
>foreign policy impact. This will worsen as India bankrupts 
>itself,
>our social services collapse, and the State fails, while the 
>people
>become insecure, as in Gujarat.
>
>We could not have made a worse Faustian bargain.

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