From: bcsabha.kalina@gmail.comTo: 

http://epaper.dnaindia.com/story.aspx?id=74573&boxid=20230&ed_date=2015-01-02&ed_code=820009&ed_page=8
Environment gets the axeThe government’s policy of according short shrift to 
green laws is a recipe for disaster Darryl D’MonteThe first thing that strikes 
one about the report of the high-powered committee to review six top 
environmental laws, headed by former cabinet secretary TSR Subramanian, is the 
sheer audacity of preparing it in just three months. It hardly does justice to 
the complexity of national and state-level legislation to do this in such 
indecent haste.As may be expected, there was hardly any public consultation. 
Environmentalists could only submit up 130 words on each of the six major laws 
that were being reviewed. In Bangalore, the committee walked out of a public 
hearing midway. This negates the arduous work that has gone into drafting these 
laws and the people’s struggles that have led to such enactments. Green laws 
are not, as is often thought, a whim on the part of some autocratic leader — 
Indira Gandhi’s promulgation of the Coastal Regulation Zone legislation being a 
frequently cited example — but a much-delayed response to flagrant violations 
on the ground.Contrary to public perception, the UPA government was by no means 
the custodian of the nation’s environment. The feisty environment minister 
Jairam Ramesh was replaced by a more pliant Jayanthi Natarajan who, in turn, 
made way for Veerappa Moily who cleared virtually anything that came his way. 
Between 2007 and 2014, power plants with a capacity of 250,000MW were cleared, 
twice what the Planning Commission estimated was needed by 2022. The 
Subramanian committee itself admits that 99 per cent of cases were cleared.As 
much as the letter of the report, it is the spirit that has to be scrutinised. 
What was the provocation for reviewing green laws? Minister after NDA minister 
have made it abundantly clear that the present government views such 
legislation as an obstacle to economic growth. While there is indeed a case for 
simplifying laws and procedures, the intent is quite different. The report 
specifically cites the need to make “doing business easier in the 
country”.During the controversy over the Intelligence Bureau’s castigation of 
Greenpeace and other green NGOs for costing the country 2-3 per cent of the 
GDP, it was pointed out how, quite to the contrary, the World Bank estimated 
that environmental degradation was extracting a toll of Rs3.75 trillion ($80 
billion) a year, amounting to 5.7 per cent of the GDP. This ought to serve as a 
dampener to leaders who are gung-ho about resorting to industrialisation and 
building infrastructure by giving short shrift to environmental 
considerations.This paper reported how over 230 projects have been cleared by 
the environment ministry since May; a fifth were from Gujarat. Environment 
minister Prakash Javadekar himself has assured the Maharashtra CM that 
“development” projects in Mumbai which were stalled by his ministry, such as 
the coastal road to connect the western suburbs to the island city, would be 
speedily cleared. It is against this backdrop that the Subramanian report has 
to be examined.The most sweeping recommendation is the enactment of an entirely 
new Environmental Laws (Management) Act or ELMA, which will create a National 
Environment Management Authority or NEMA. Correspondingly, there will a State 
Environmental Authority or SEMA. These will replace the Central Pollution 
Control Board and the State Pollution Control Boards, as well as environmental 
committees appointed by the Supreme Court (SC). Wouldn’t it have been better to 
reform the existing boards than institute an entirely new authority, whose 
remit is to clear projects as speedily as possible?Thus the Environment 
Pollution Control Authority, set up by the apex court, mooted a ban on diesel 
vehicles in Delhi and played an advisory role on crucial issues such as fuel 
quality and vehicle emissions. The Central Empowered Committee, set up 
similarly after widespread environmental violations, looked at illegal mining 
in states such as Odisha, Goa, Karnataka and the western ghats. It was on this 
basis that the SC cancelled many mining leases. These will now be subsumed.The 
powerful National Green Tribunal, set up in 2010, was not one of the acts 
reviewed by the committee but even prior to it, the environment ministry was 
contemplating diluting its powers. At present, appeals against clearances can 
be made within six months before the tribunal but the committee proposes an 
appellate board for this purpose and within 30 days only. As can well be 
imagined, the constitution of this board can stack the cards heavily against 
justice.One of the worrying recommendations is the “fast track” procedure for 
“linear” projects such as roads and railway lines, as well as power or mining 
projects and projects of national importance. This dovetails with the NDA’s 
emphasis on promoting growth through infrastructure. For instance, the 
urbanisation on either side of the Delhi-Mumbai industrial corridor, including 
smart cities, could conceivably fall under such categories and be ushered in 
without too much scrutiny.Another is the doing away with of public hearings and 
consultation with villagers in the case of projects of “strategic” and 
“national importance”. Only “genuine local participation” will be permitted, 
which closes the door to NGOs. This circumscribes the Forest Rights Act, a 
flagship UPA law, which was not under review, but is now sought to be amended. 
The proposal strikes at the very root of the principle of consent from all 
stakeholders whenever a major project threatens the environment. According to 
official data, as many as 50 million people have been displaced in 50 years by 
“development” projects in the country. It was after protracted struggles, such 
as that over the Sardar Sarovar dam in Gujarat, that the principle of prior 
consultation has been enshrined and is now in jeopardy.Yet another concern is 
giving project proponents the benefit of doubt by accepting their word in 
“utmost good faith”. It is common knowledge that proponents are economical with 
the truth when it comes to specifying environmental safeguards. Time and again, 
environmental impact assessments are cut-and-paste jobs, with consultants 
paying obeisance to their clients. Combined with the penchant of the present 
government to push projects through recklessly, this is a recipe for 
disaster.Finally, the committee seeks to replace the definition of “forest” by 
“treeland”, a term which is unprecedented in global jurisprudence. It declares 
areas with 70 per cent canopy cover out of bounds for projects, but this only 
applies to a minuscule proportion of the country which is already protected as 
sanctuaries, national parks and tiger reserves. Is the remaining area up for 
grabs?The author is chairperson, Forum of Environmental Journalists of India 
(FEJI)



                                                                                
  

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