https://www.dhakatribune.com/opinion/op-ed/2021/01/29/op-ed-decoding-india-s-farmer-protests

Beyond the alternately vituperative and vacuous media talking heads
and their unending propaganda blitz, this week’s Republic Day
flashpoint in New Delhi casts an unblinking spotlight on the nature of
Indian democracy in transition.

There are only a few undisputed facts: since November last year
several hundred thousand farmers – mainly from the states of Punjab
and Haryana – have set up camp just outside India’s capital city,
united in their demand that Narendra Modi’s government withdraw three
controversial laws that were quickly passed through Parliament in
September.

The Farmers' Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation)
Act 2020, the Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price
Assurance and Farm Services Act 2020, and the Essential Commodities
(Amendment) Act 2020 are all positioned as much-needed reforms that
will liberate India’s massive agricultural sector. But many farmer
unions suspect them as a ploy for crony capitalists to seize control
of yet another sector of the economy. Their protests include the
demand for legal guarantees for minimum prices for their produce.

An extremely tense standoff has played out in the intervening months.
The current Indian government has an unshakable hold on parliamentary
procedure, which allows it to act at will, but facing off against
farmers makes for poor optics.

>From ancient times through Gandhi to Lal Bahadur Shastri’s indelible
slogan ‘Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan’ there is deep-seated reverence for the
agricultural heartland built into Indian cultural identity.

Thus, nothing the government has tried has worked so far, and there
have been several embarrassing reversals. For just one example, the
National Investigation Agency (NIA) summoned the director and trustees
of Khalsa Aid – a UK-based charity that has been providing various
kinds of aid to the protestors – for questioning at an official
deposition, but then quickly postponed their request after the
humanitarian organization was officially nominated for the Nobel Peace
Prize.

Khalsa Aid’s work has been highly acclaimed in dozens of different
conflict zones and disaster relief circumstances, from Indonesia to
Congo. After the NIA summons, it said “A large-scale indiscriminate
NIA investigation of this nature against voluntary agencies, groups
and individuals who provide humanitarian support is unprecedented in
Indian history. We urge all international bodies and monitoring
agencies to hold India to account on what appears on the face of it a
politically motivated step.”

Just as the Modi government received an unexpected reprieve when the
Covid-19 pandemic dismantled and drove indoors all the entrenched
nationwide protests against its moves to redefine crucial aspects of
Indian citizenship, it was clearly hoping the Republic Day skirmishes
in New Delhi would discredit the farmers.

Immediately afterwards, there has been nigh-unanimous, high volume
official condemnation of the crowds who entered the Red Fort ramparts
and exultantly unfurled union flags as well as the Nisan Sahib pennant
(which celebrates Sikh faith).

But we can already see, this particular mass of protestors cannot be
easily dismissed, and they continue to muster broad sympathy across
the country. Considering its recent offer - to suspend the laws for 12
to 18 months, and appoint a joint committee to resolve problems - was
summarily rebuffed, it now seems increasingly likely the
administration will retreat entirely, if only for the moment.

Pratap Bhanu Mehta has decoded the implications of all this with great
acuity in his Indian Express column. He wrote, “In the wake of the
BJP’s growing success and the ascendancy of Hindutva, there is a new
kind of misanthropy towards the people. If some elites are embarrassed
that the people don’t understand economic development, others are
horrified that large numbers have thrown in their lot with the BJP.
This worry might be understandable, but it is a challenge for
democracy.”

Mehta points out, “the sense that people are dupes or evil is not a
propitious starting point for a democracy, and only reinforces the
political pathologies it is meant to encounter. When there are shards
of resistance, a CAA movement or a Punjab farmers’ movement, an
occasional local electoral victory, the Opposition suddenly embraces
the people in all its glory. But the blunt truth is that it has been
difficult to translate these movements into a broader fraternity or
political coalition.

This leaves us with the paramount paradox of our times. Mehta
concludes, “The BJP claims to speak the language of the people without
democracy, and the Opposition wants to speak the language of democracy
without the people…Outside of political contexts there is enough
vitality, creativity and reciprocity, where the people are expressing
themselves in all their concreteness, individuality and complexity,
more than enough to sustain faith in the face of political
disillusionment. But we will need a new mode of conversation to
capture that [and so] the question for Indian democracy is: In which
language will we learn to speak of the people where we don’t avoid the
horrifying impasse we are at?”

Reply via email to