Title: Who the Bleep cares about hats, manure, mangoes and manganese? Part 1
By: Selma Carvalho:
Source: Goan Voice UK 27 June 2010 at www.goanvoice.org.uk

Full text:

Sitting in the hushed silence of the British Library with nothing but the
glare of ugly fluorescent lights to intrude on me, the white pages of the
Goa Trade Reports seem to be mocking me. These are trade reports going back
to 1900, which the British had so meticulously compiled to keep an eye on
Goa and safeguard their major investment in the West of India Guaranteed
Portuguese Railway Company managing what they dubbed, the Mormugao Railway.
Not only was Goa plagued by a huge trade deficit but it was a deficit almost
cruelly ironic.

In 1908 for instance, while Goa had a measly export of 21 lakhs, it had a
staggering import of 61 lakhs. In a dominion which could not boast of
anything more substantive than exports of dried fish, betel nuts, manure,
mangoes and manganese, it arrogantly imported disproportionally large
quantities of hats, tobacco, perfumes, butter and wines. And in a year in
which Goa imported just Rs 68,049 worth of industrial machinery, it
nonetheless imported Rs. 1.2 lakhs worth of hats.

Whoever was wearing these hats, I can be assured my great-grandmother, the
fair of face, green-eyed, Catarina Dias, was not one of them. Around this
time, she was collecting the last vestiges of a moribund life in the
ramshackle village of Shiroda and preparing to leave. Shiroda had been hit
by plague, devastating the region and making life unbearable. Goa had a
unique topography which allowed migrations from the hinterlands to flourish
in the coastal regions with its plenitude of fish and dignified coconut
trees. My great-grandfather had perished young, perhaps in the plague or
perhaps afflicted by any number of calamities which befell 19th century
Goans. What made the widowed Catarina, set off into a densely forested area,
cross the serpentine Zuari river and head for the desolate village of Nuvem,
on the outskirts of Margao is not known. Nuvem's topography is similar to
that of Shiroda, both abound in coconut trees and the possibility of
continuing in traditional occupations may have played a role in this
migration. Here she erected a thatched dwelling with the help of her two
sons.

This thatched and often cramped dwelling eventually became a mud-walled
house which as luck and love would have it, neighbours my mother's house. My
mother's father, Conceicao Miguel Gomes, was an Afrik'kar. The family owned
a parcel of land in an area which was otherwise the abode of mund'kars, and
as a result, they had been bestowed with the title of bhat'kars. When my
grandfather retired, there was no revenue to speak of. The bits of jewellery
which had accompanied my grandmother on her wedding day had long since found
their way to pawn-brokers. A few years into retirement, he was dead. A
thumping from the heart striking at his emaciated chest and he was gone. 

My mother maintains to this day that it was financial stress. His youngest
son was academically brilliant; the first man in the village to do his
Bachelors of Science. I know my uncle is brilliant for I often marvel at the
conversations that spill from this man, born into a village where silence
reigned past seven in the night, where the Church priest was the epitome of
a well-educated man and the bus prassa, a few kilometers away in Margao was
the final frontier of their existence. The financial incapacity of this
family meant my uncle's dreams of bringing his academic brilliance to
fruition were stymied. The realities in the villages of Goa, though much
romanticised by European journalists like Emile Marini as "so beloved by the
Goans who live there, and for which Goan emigrants abroad sigh with
nostalgia", ran afoul of this hyperbole. Goa's renowned historian Damodar
Kosambi likened it to the "idiocy of village life," marred by malnutrition,
hookworm, apathy, quarrels, violence, litigation and delinquency. 

End of Part 1

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