*

*Musharraf was the last to read the writing on the wall
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2008/aug/19/pakistan.usforeignpolicy

*Musharraf's mixed legacy*
*http://www.dawn.com/2008/08/19/top3.htm
By Zaffar Abbas*
At a time when almost everyone in the country, including many of General
Musharraf's one-time trusted friends and beneficiaries, is busy condemning
his nine-year rule, to mention some of his achievements may be like
committing blasphemy. Still, it's only fair to talk of some of the big,
controversial and even bold decisions he took in an attempt to change the
destiny of the country. Whether he succeeded in doing so, or became a victim
of sycophancy or self-serving propaganda, may remain part of a never-ending
debate. But this in itself shows that General Musharraf's may well be a
mixed legacy.

Gen Musharraf's opponents and enemies are many, and understandably so. In
the last decade or so some of the most divergent social and political groups
turned against him, but often for different reasons. In fact, in most cases
they had diametrically opposite views on issues ranging from the Kargil
conflict to the seizing of power in Oct 1999, from Nawaz Sharif's trial to
allowing him to go into exile, from keeping Asif Zardari in jail to allowing
Benazir Bhutto to return, or from taking the country to the brink of war
with India to initiating a peace process with it.

There were political parties like the PPP or many women's, rights and
liberal groups that saw in the October 1999 military coup a positive move to
block the then prime minister Nawaz Sharif's use of his brute parliamentary
strength to introduce his own brand of Islamic shariah in the country.

In the early years of his military rule, Gen Musharraf was praised by the
country's liberal political and social circles for reversing the
obscurantist policies of General Zia-ul-Haq. There was a time that many
women's rights groups thought he was the best thing that had happened to the
country in decades. But then the same people turned against him when he
struck a deal with the religious right to legitimise his rule after the 2002
election.

The religious and many other politicians like Imran Khan ignored his move to
overthrow an elected government, and even backed him in a fraudulent
referendum that allowed him to rule for the initial five years. However,
when in the aftermath of the events of September 11, 2001, he turned his
guns towards the Muslim militants, whom he had been backing in the past as
the army chief the religious and political right became the vanguard of the
anti-Musharraf campaign. The contradiction among his opponents was also seen
in the last year of his rule. He was being criticised by the liberals and
women's groups for allowing Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafsa Madressah clerics to
spread extremism in Islamabad, and by religious groups for killing
'innocent' people of the seminary.

Similarly, some condemned him for launching a military operation against
militants, while a few others thought he was not being sincere in
eliminating the pro-Taliban fighters. And if the militants were opposed to
him for using the military against the Taliban, the secular Baloch
nationalists hated him for using the military might against them, and for
killing the veteran Baloch tribal leader Nawab Akbar Bugti.

But what brought all the disparate political groups opposed to him on to one
platform and triggered a chain reaction that ultimately culminated in his
ouster was the imposition of emergency, the sacking of dozens of judges and
the muzzling of the broadcast media. On the other hand many businessmen and
industrialists remained his supporters till the very last, and thought it
was largely because of his policies that the economy remained in an upswing
during the last many years.

It's largely because of such contradictions in the character and policies of
the man that for most people Gen Musharraf remains an enigma. In fact, no
one seems to know who the real Gen Musharraf is? Was he a hawk disguised in
a liberal cloak, or a moderate and progressive man whose military training
had in the past turned him into a trigger-happy leader? Was he really
sincere about the progress of this country, or were his policies only
targeted at perpetuating his rule? These and many other questions about the
man may remain unanswered for a very long time, more so because over the
past year or so the propaganda campaign from rival camps has made the line
between fact and fiction somewhat blurred.

However, speaking from personal experience as a journalist I have absolutely
no hesitation in stating that he was probably the best interviewee I ever
came across. And I have met and interviewed quite a few top politicians,
including many presidents and prime ministers. At times his answers were not
at all convincing, but unlike many popularly elected politicians, he was
never shy of taking some of the toughest questions about his person and
politics. Even during a number of private conversations, and much to the
annoyance of his aides and advisers, he listened to criticism and tried to
argue his case.

He was also a unique military ruler who, instead of imposing censorship at
the time of seizing power, liberalised the media, and at a later stage
allowed dozens of private television channels, many of whom spent most of
their airtime in attacking him and his policies. It was only for a brief
period during the emergency period that there was a media blackout, and a
number of TV anchors were banned from broadcasting. But once private
televisions were back on air, they returned with more venomous broadcasts
against the beleaguered president.

Many others who saw and worked with him say that although he was no
visionary, he always tried to work hard with a view to understanding an
issue, and rarely shied away from taking on a challenge. Even some of those
who left him after political expediency compelled him to take Chaudhry
Shujaat Hussain and others as his major allies, still regard him as a
sincere leader. His biggest mistake, they say, was not being able to work
out an exit strategy. In fact, after being encircled by sycophants and
vested interest groups, Mr Musharraf had started to regard himself as
indispensable for the country. And the way he sacked more than half of
country's superior judiciary simply showed he had no love or respect for the
rule of law.

But then in the end, he was a military man who should have never intervened
in the country's political affairs. For some General Pervez Musharraf may
well have been a well-meaning person, but all his positive work becomes
meaningless when compared with the way he overthrew an elected government
and subverted the Constitution, and towards the end of his tenure tried to
destroy the judiciary, only to keep himself in power.

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