*Latin America and the financial crisis *

**
Jorge Heine

   *For the first time in a century, Latin America has managed to at least
partially "cushion" itself from the seismic waves of economic turmoil in the
U.S. and Europe. *

  The United Kingdom will face a 2.8 per cent negative growth rate in 2009,
the worst economic performance since World War II (in fact, the British
economy has already shrunk by 2.7 per cent since last April). In Spain,
unemployment has reached 14 per cent, and the government is offering a
"golden handshake" to recent immigrants to leave the country for three
years. Ireland, so often held up as an example for the developing world
because of its relentless tax-cut ting, is in dire straits, and Iceland is
bankrupt.

In the United States, Dow Jones slipped below 8000 in the very week
President Barack Obama took office, the automobile industry continues its
downward spiral (Toyota has already displaced GM as the world's largest
automaker) and in one day in January, some leading companies announced
shedding 72,000 jobs. In California, unemployment is just below 10 per cent,
and the State faces a staggering deficit. In Canada, which lost 34,000 in
December, Ontario, the nation's industrial heartland (40 per cent of
Canada's GDP), is in trouble and looking for ways to renegotiate existing
financial arrangements with Ottawa.

Projections indicate that the developed world will have a negative growth in
2009. What about Latin America?

The standard line is that "when the United States sneezes, Latin America
catches a cold." And that was exactly what happened in the past. The Great
Depression had a devastating effect on Latin America — so much so that in
the late 1930s and early 1940s, it begot the
import-substitution-industrialisation (ISI) strategy, as governments
realised that in times of global slowdowns they could not be left at the
mercy of having enough hard currency to buy essential goods from the
industrialised North; they needed some installed capacity of their own.

Something similar happened in the early 1980s when rising interest rates in
the U.S. pushed the region into its worst debt crisis and a "lost decade,"
in which countries like Chile saw 14 per cent negative growth in 1982 and
unemployment rates of 30 to 35 per cent for several years. According to the
conventional wisdom, Latin American economies should be in the doldrums,
with the Northern recessionary waves hitting Southern shores with a
multiplier effect leading to an even deeper economic downturn there.

Yet, this isn't happening. Yes, this is a global recession and the region
has not been spared. Growth will be cut in half; commodity prices have
dropped and so have export volumes, thus affecting regional exports which
reached a record $902 billion in 2008. International credit has tightened,
and some projected FDI is not materialising. Remittances to the region,
which also reached a record ($67 billion) in 2008, will take a hit.

After six consecutive years of over 4 per cent economic growth rates, the
region is projected to grow 1.9 per cent in 2009. Unemployment, at 7.5 per
cent in 2008, is projected to rise to between 7.8 and 8.1 per cent. Whatever
else it may be, this is not a recession.

Countries like Peru, the star economic performer over the past few years,
may grow as much as 5 per cent in 2009, with smaller economies like Cuba,
Panama and Uruguay clocking 4 per cent or more. And the larger economies
like Argentina (2.6 per cent), Brazil (2.1 per cent), Chile (2 per cent) and
Venezuela (3 per cent) should perform quite respectably. In fact, South
America as a whole, according to ECLAC, will grow at 2.4 per cent. It is
Mexico (0.5 per cent) and many Central American and Caribbean nations that
will be especially affected by the drop in tourism and in remittances and by
lower demand in the U.S. market.

This does not mean that if the financial meltdown continues to wreak havoc
on the North and the economic wreckage is extended over time, it will not
eventually have a greater impact in Latin America. My point is a different
one. For the first time in a century, Latin America has managed, if not
totally, to "decouple," at least to partially "cushion" itself from the
seismic waves of economic turmoil in the U.S. and Europe, markets on which
it traditionally depended. The fact that several countries from the region
(Brazil, Mexico and Colombia) are placing bonds in international markets in
these difficult times speaks for itself.

That this should happen at a time when eight of ten countries in South
America are ruled by Left or Left-of-Centre parties is ironic. For much of
this decade, we have repeatedly been told how Latin America, by veering
towards the Left, was once again "missing the boat" on economic development,
and how it risked being caught in a time warp, left behind by the twin
imperatives of globalisation and economic interdependence, beholden to
outmoded ideologies at a time of the end of ideology.

Instead of dollarising their economies (as Ecuador did in 2000, much to its
subsequent chagrin) and opening themselves up to whatever Washington
demanded, many countries (led by Brazil) preferred a different path, one
that turned out to be not so misguided after all. If anything, many Latin
American governments seem to have shown a better understanding of the perils
of unfettered globalisation and "casino capitalism" than several of their
counterparts in the North.

What does the Latin American Left stand for today and what has it done in
government?

Far from the "populism" so much of the Western media labels it with, the
modern Left in the region today embodies a set of beliefs very different
from the mid-20th century populist movements associated with this term.

It is fully democratic, believing in free and fair elections, having
strongly opposed the military regimes supported by the Right in the 1970s
and 1980s; it is secular, standing apart from the integrista Catholicism of
so many conservative forces in the region; it is committed to greater social
equality in a region with the dubious distinction of having the highest
economic inequality; it believes in diversifying trading and investment
partners, as well as the number and variety of export products, thus moving
away from the econom'a monoexportadora syndrome of the past; finally, it is
fiscally responsible — starting from the premise that only by having
macroeconomic equilibria (that is, if the government balances the books) and
tackling inflation will you be able to make progress. Prudent economic
policies combined with aggressive social programmes — like Brazil's Bolsa de
Familia or Chile's recent pension reform — are at the heart of this
approach.

It is these principles and the policies that flow from them that have
allowed the countries in the region to bring down their foreign debt from 37
per cent of the GDP in 2000 to 20 per cent today. They have permitted Brazil
to start a $48-billion infrastructure programme, and Chile to launch a
$4-billion stimulus package to deal with the global slowdown.

But the region being partially cushioned from the worst effects of the
latter is also due to something else. For large export-oriented economies
today, diversifying their export markets means targeting Asia. This is what
South America's leading economies have done. China, Japan, South Korea and
India are the prize markets. For Chile, in 2007, China was its number one
export market (displacing the U.S.), Japan was number three, South Korea six
and India 10 (displacing Germany). Asia received 43 per cent of Chile's
exports that year; not surprisingly, a dip in the U.S. market, which gets a
little over 20 per cent of Chilean exports, is not a major blow to its
economy. Though Chile, because of its Asia-Pacific orientation, is a bit of
an extreme case, for Argentina, Brazil and Peru the pattern is not too
different.

In this context, a critical question is whether the "Asian giants," China
and India, will also be dragged down by the recession in North America and
Western Europe. Initial indications are that they have already been, with
their growth projections going down from double digits to 6-7 per cent. A
second question is to what extent this growth will be export- or internal
demand-driven. China's $ 600-billion stimulus package is designed to pump up
domestic demand in an economy that until now has been largely driven by
exports. India, on the other hand, has based its high growth mostly on its
internal market.

These are, make no mistake about it, perilous times, and the treacherous
waters of the world economy need to be navigated with a steady compass.
Nonetheless, it is refreshing to see, for once, that Latin America may well
grow its way through a global recession, as opposed to being once again the
region most seriously affected by it.

*(Jorge Heine holds the Chair in Global Governance at the Balsillie School
of International Affairs and is a Distinguished Fellow at the Centre for
International Governance Innovation in Waterloo, Ontario. He serves
currently as Vice-President of the International Political Science
Association)*.

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