Where Sangh spins narratives of victimhood, belligerence

PRASHANT JHA

http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/where-sangh-spins-narratives-of-victimhood-belligerence/article5113769.ece?homepage=true

VHP leader sees conspiracy to ‘expand Muslim population, using Hindu girls
as machines’

‘Love Jehad’ is the new technique, says a grave-looking Chandra Mohan
Sharma. But it is a ‘difficult art’, picked only after ‘madrasa-conducted
training.’

“First, good-looking Muslim men are identified. They are given neutral
names like Sonu and Raju.” These boys, Mr. Sharma says, are then given
jeans, t-shirts, mobiles, and bikes and taught to behave. “They stand in
front of schools and colleges and woo young Hindu girls. The first few
times, our girls snub them.” But then, he says resignedly, they fall for
it. “This jehad is about *pyar se fasana* – entrapment through love.”

The bespectacled joint general-secretary of the Meerut division of the
Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), ‘which covers all of western U.P.’, he points
out with a wee bit of pride, is wearing a grey safari-suit. We are sitting
in a small office next to the Khatauli railway station, off the main
highway, in Muzaffarnagar district late on Tuesday afternoon.
*BEING THE PROTECTOR*

“Look at police records. Out of 100 girls who elope, 95 are Hindus who go
with Muslim men. It is rare that Hindu boys get Muslim girls.” This, the
VHP leader says conclusively, is proof of a conspiracy to ‘expand Muslim
population, using Hindu girls as machines. We need to protect the honour of
our daughters, *bahu aur beti*’.

Ignore this as meaningless rant at your own peril, for Mr. Sharma was at
the “mahapanchayat” on Saturday. The protection of ‘our women’ was the
common theme in many speeches, as video recordings of the event, shown to *The
Hindu*, reveal. There is now recognition that this event added to the
agitational mood, added to the insecurity, and eventually led to clashes
and violence.

“On August 27, a Muslim boy teased a Hindu girl,” Mr. Sharma resumes, “and
that is the root of the tensions. Tell me, which brother can accept this?”
While this is now a widely accepted version of the trigger for the
violence, Muslim elders in Muzaffarnagar town dispute it and insist that it
was motor-cycles colliding that provoked the initial fight between young
men. The fight was later given a communal colour.
*PLAYING THE VICTIM*

The patriarchal narrative, which dominates conversations with Hindu
extremists across towns of western U.P, is then seamlessly linked to the
narrative of victimhood.

A narrow alley off the Surajkund Road in Meerut leads up to the Bharat Mata
Mandir. On the first floor lives Sudarshan, VHP’s regional organisation
secretary. It is early morning. A plump man, he first reads the local
editions of *Dainik Jagran* and *Amar Ujala*, puts up news clippings on his
Facebook page, brushes his beard with a comb after a bath, and then turns
to have a conversation.

“At each instance, this government has batted for Muslims. In the first
FIR, why were parents of the Hindu boys who were killed named as culprits?
They were not even present. Our simple demands were unheard,” he says.

Mr. Sudarshan insinuates that when Muslims ‘first attacked’ Hindus after
the panchayat, the latter had sought police protection but were rebuffed.
He reels off six incidents from the neighbouring Shamli district, where he
alleged that a Muslim police official was ‘partial.’ “He even said he was a
Muslim first and an IPS later. The government – led by Azam Khan –
patronises such people.”

Balraj Singh, Bajrang Dal’s U.P. chief, says there is a ‘deeper conspiracy.’

“Like in Kashmir, Muslims want to take over the State. They want to take
over Hindu property, and Hindu women through love jehad,” he says.

With the State government asserting that Hindu extremists had circulated a
fake video to depict the August 27 incident in order to inflame Hindu
passions, Mr. Singh turns it around. “Muslims had circulated it because
they wanted to spread panic, fear, so that like Kashmiri Pandits, we would
leave our homes.”

*POLITICS OF AGGRESSION*

Mr. Sudarshan says that what happened after the mahapanchayat “was a
Godhra.” “And what has happened after that is the reaction on the lines of
post-Godhra in Gujarat. Hindus did not sit back.” The Bajrang Dal leader,
who has traces of a red tika on his forehead, then says, “Victory will be
ours. The Sangh’s work is to unite Hindus, to protect our temples, women,
cows, Ganga, our religion.”

Reminiscent of Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s speech in Goa in 2002, soon after the
Gujarat riots, where the then Prime Minister had said Muslims tend ‘not to
live in coexistence with others,’ Mr. Singh said, “If out of 10 people, I
have fights with eight, the problem is with me. Why is it that Muslims
fight with Jats, Gujjars, Dalits, Brahmans, Thakurs, and Kuswahas? Why
can’t they live in peace?”

But it is here, with the reference to castes, that the politics behind the
riots slowly reveals itself.

One Sangh activist, who insisted on being anonymous, told *The Hindu*, “For
the first time, Jats and Muslims are fighting each other. This is a great
achievement. Jats have begun thinking like Hindus first. If more Hindu
castes fight with Muslims, it will be better for us. BJP will benefit.”
Muslims, this activist added, needed to be ‘taught a lesson, for they
thought they ruled U.P. under Mulayam.’

Mr. Singh offers a candid take. ‘To save your caste, you have to save your
religion first. This message has gone out. This has happened for the first
time in many years.”

But while the broader Sangh Parivar is keen to project itself as the
protector of Hindus in general, and Jats in particular, against Muslims,
they are ambivalent about taking full credit, perhaps in a bid to escape
culpability.

Mr. Sharma in Khatauli says, “It is natural that we are involved since we
talk about Hindu rights. But the Sangh does not have shakhas in all
villages in the district; our organisation is weak. This is a spontaneous
upsurge.” Other political leaders, however, rubbish the suggestion that
over a lakh could congregate for a meeting without organisational support.


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Peace Is Doable

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