http://caravandaily.com/portal/iqbal-jinnah-and-muslims-of-india/

Iqbal, Jinnah and Muslims of India


*[image: IQBAL-JINNAH]
<http://caravandaily.com/portal/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/IQBAL-JINNAH.jpg>*



*Most of Iqbal’s high sounding exhortations and Jinnah’s promises and
logic of a better future have rebounded on Indian Muslims.  In a sense they
have become the lost tribe of the subcontinent*



*KALEEM KAWAJA*

The fierce controversy that raged in the minds of the Muslims of India over
the issues of Pan-Islamism and nationalism in the decades preceding
independence was influenced profoundly by three pre-eminent Muslim leaders
of that era, notably Mohammad Iqbal, Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Abul Kalam
Azad.

Iqbal and Jinnah were concerned with protection and equal power for Muslims
in India from the influence of Hindus, who at that time comprised
two-thirds majority in the country.  Abul Kalam Azad on the other hand
thought of Pan-Islamism as just a philosophy and believed strongly in
Indian nationalism, and the Muslim minority developing goodwill with Hindu
majority for their welfare.

*IQBAL’S VISION*

It is hard not to credit Iqbal with the seed for the creation of Pakistan.
He did attack the ideology of nationalism primarily with reference to
Indian nationalism, but curiously conceded the compatibility of Islam with
nationalism in a state where Muslims were a majority of the population. To
come to terms with the fact that in India Hindus were in two-third
majority, he came up with the concept that the provinces in the west and
east where Muslims were a majority, should be an autonomous Islamic region
within the federal Indian state; while Muslims in the rest of India be
guaranteed one-third representation in the federal Indian structure.  It
appears to be a Yugoslavia — like idealistic solution of mixed religious
and ethnic realities.  But that experiment in Yugoslavia ultimately failed
resulting in a bloody civil war there.
While Iqbal championed Pan-Islamism passionately, curiously he did not
support the Khilafat movement and supported Kamal Ataturk’s Turkish
nationalism.  He also said that while Muslims transcending their nation
states could be politically united, they could not be one nation,
vis-a-vis  the Arab Muslims and the Indian Muslims.
In his literary and public career Iqbal had started out as an Indian
nationalist and interfaith devotee, who extolled the virtues not only of
the nation of Hindustan (India) but also of many Hindu and Sikh religious
leaders.
He wrote eulogies praising Guru Nanak and Swami Ram Tirath.  He also wrote
praises for the Hindu religious songs calling them  a source of strength
for mankind.  His famous verse, “Shanti bhi, shakti bhi bhagton kay geet
main haiy” (The songs of Hindu priests are the source of both peace and
strength) reaffirms his then belief.

However, he soon became a fervent and devoted admirer of everything Islamic
and pronounced that the primary goal of Indian Muslims should be to
re-build a glorious Islamic nation in their land.  He became a prominent
leader in the Muslim League, the political party of the Muslims of India.
In  the 1930 national convention of Muslim League in Allahabad, he was
among the first prominent Muslim leaders to make the proposal that the
Muslims of India be given a nation of their own.

Iqbal struggled with the realities of the Muslim community in India; their
population was only one-third in India and they did not have that much in
common with either Arab or Irani or Turkish Muslims.  India was their
homeland.  In the last ten years of his life he found it difficult to
bridge his passion for a glorious Indian Muslim nation with his earlier
passion for the Indian nation.  He could not explain that if India was,
“Saarey jahan say accha Hindostan hmaara” (India is the best nation on
earth),  why should Indian Muslims form a separate nation of their own.

*JINNAH’S CONTRIBUTION*

Jinnah on the other hand was not burdened with idealism and philosophy and
wanted a homeland for the Muslims of India on the ground that they
constituted a distinct nation from the majority Hindus.  He did regard
Islam as a basis for the separate nation state of Pakistan.  Thus while
claiming Punjab as a part of Pakistan he disavowed the heritage of Guru
Nanak and Swami Ram Tirath as the heritage of the Pakistani Punjab.  Jinnah
disagreed with Iqbal’s advice to not involve Muslims living in Hindu
majority provinces in the Pakistan movement.  He proceeded to involve
Muslims of UP and Bihar and the Aligarh Muslim University, who had not even
a ghost of a chance to be a part of the new Muslim homeland into the
vociferous Pakistan movement.

An entire generation of educated Muslims in pre-independence India had
grown up on the staple diet of Iqbal’s ideas and verses of the supremacy of
Islam over others.  His exhortation to Muslims in the name of Islam was
also to shore up the confidence of the Muslim community that was beset with
low confidence in the midst of the steadily progressing Hindu majority.
Yet, neither Iqbal nor his ardent Muslim followers could figure out exactly
how in the face of the very difficult reality they could regain the lost
glory of the Indian Muslim nation.

It was in these circumstances that Jinnah, earlier an avid secular Indian
nationalist, got disillusioned with the politics of the Indian National
Congress party.  Congress party even though it represented Indians of all
faiths, yet the majority of them were Hindu, and hence the party had a
significant Hindu cultural strain.  Indeed when Congress party won the
1936-37 provincial elections held in 11 major provinces from a mixed
electorate, and formed  government in several provinces that lasted two
years, it adopted relatively more of the Hindu cultural elements than
Muslim cultural elements in public institutions.  For instance, it called
public schools built under its rule as “vidyalas” rather than “maktab”;
social centers were called “Ashram” rather than “khanqah”.

Muslim League and Jinnah sensed in that situation a fear that in
independent India Muslims will have to play second fiddle to Hindus, and
will not have real equal power sharing status. That led to Jinnah and
Muslim League propounding the two nation theory that, Muslims and Hindus
were two separate nations in one country.  They demanded that Muslims of
India be given a separate homeland of theirs, by bringing together all
provinces where Muslim population was in majority, so that their rights
were not compromised.  Jinnah pledged to the Muslims living in Hindu
majority provinces that by migrating to Pakistan they will have an equal
future along with other Muslims.  In fact he exhorted them to come build a
new and powerful Islamic country in their adopted land.  He gave them his
own example of being from a Hindu majority province yet leading the new
Islamic nation.

*PAKISTAN’S REALITY*

As things have played out 66 years later, the consequences for the Muslims
of India can only be described as a disappointment.  The breakup of
Pakistan in two parts in 1971 was a blow to the psyche and confidence level
of the Muslims of India. They saw the half- a- century old vision of the
return of Muslim glory in the subcontinent shattering in-front of their own
eyes.  Like the holy grail, regaining glory in the subcontinent has eluded
them.

Most of the glorious historical monuments and cultural  icons of the
600-year long Muslim rule are not in Pakistan or Bangladesh.  For most
Muslims in the many Hindu majority provinces that are today’s India, the
consequences are an unending suspicion of their fellow Hindu citizens
concerning their national loyalty.  Most of Iqbal’s high sounding
exhortations and Jinnah’s promises and logic of a better future have
rebounded on them.  In a sense they have become the lost tribe of the
subcontinent.

Today the territorial component is as important as religion in the two
nation states flanking India.  Even today it is not inaccurate to say that
despite the bloodshed, violence, tension and rhetoric, the two Islamic
states of Pakistan and Bangladesh have more in common with India than the
Muslim countries of Middle East.  It is this vision of a glorious
subcontinent-nation, that Iqbal had told us in his earlier years when he
was not fired up with Islamism, as the best nation on earth.  Poetic and
imaginary indeed.  But life is neither poetry nor imagination.

*[image: kaleem kawaja]
<http://caravandaily.com/portal/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/kaleem-kawaja.jpg>Kaleem
Kawaja, an Indian Muslim scientist and community activist, lives in US.  He
can be reached at [email protected] <[email protected]>*



-- 
Peace Is Doable

-- 
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups 
"Green Youth Movement" group.
To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email 
to [email protected].
To post to this group, send an email to [email protected].
Visit this group at http://groups.google.com/group/greenyouth.
For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/groups/opt_out.

Reply via email to