http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/three-speeches-three-futures/article7130917.ece

Updated: April 23, 2015 08:09 IST
Three speeches, three futures
SHIV VISVANATHAN

Last Sunday, Narendra Modi, Rahul Gandhi and Sitaram Yechury all put
in very different performances, each insisting that they represent the
people. Each party seemed to take the poor as a pretext for politics,
yet is absent-minded about their real concerns

Politics has a strange way of making you rethink ideas and stereotypes
by merely juxtaposing events. Just as one finishes typecasting persons
and parties and feels smug about such judgments, politics delivers a
series of googlies forcing a rethink. Last Sunday, one saw such a
juxtaposition of events when three leaders addressed mass meetings.
The triad of speeches included one by Rahul Gandhi who was returning
from his sabbatical and addressing a kisan rally. In the second,
Sitaram Yechury was taking over as the general secretary of the
Communist Party of India (Marxist) from his more tacitum predecessor,
Prakash Karat. Finally, Prime Minister Narendra Modi was addressing a
rally of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) workers after his return from
Canada.

Foil to the other

None of the three speeches was by itself exceptional. But each of the
trio, and then together, created a conversation as if three hit movies
had been introduced on the same day. The first surprise was that of
Mr. Modi. He looked almost reluctant to be in India after the highs
experienced after visiting Europe and Canada. In all his overseas
visits, it is clear that Non Resident Indians (NRIs) dote on his
nationalism and his alleged efficiency while he revels in their
success and their enthusiasm for him. After the exciting NRI
engagements, India almost seems banal and disappointing to him, one
could say. Mr. Modi, in his speech, seemed to complain about the
Indian gene that discourages an approval of authority. The native
Indian, unlike his counterpart abroad, is a determined contrarian.
Worse, the Opposition seemed to have stolen Mr. Modi's punch lines.
His voice had more of a bully's humour and he almost sounded like
yesterday's newspaper.

In contrast, Sitaram Yechury sounded human, relaxed, even casual. As
visual appearances go, the careful grooming of Mr. Modi was not for
him. Mr. Yechury almost looked like an absent-minded boy scout being
asked to take over his party. He presented a clenched fist which
lacked a dramatic touch. This gesture was informal, almost
absent-minded, as if he was flagging down an auto. Yet, one realised
why he is the human face of the party. He sounded almost matter of
fact. The CPI(M) tried to create a sense of drama but the performance
on the podium appeared almost listless.

While Mr. Yechury enacted his leadership role, I looked at how Rahul
addressed the kisan rally. For once he was coherent, sentences flowed
into each other; now, he seems ready to be a leader. Senior
Congressmen smiled with content that their "slow" nephew had blossomed
at last. The realists knew that he has years to go but at least for
the 22 minutes he spoke, his spirit of leadership seemed willing.

Each leader enacted a characteristic script which acted as a perfect
foil to the other. Mr. Modi began, didactic as ever, realising that
his party has been slipping while he was playing to audiences abroad;
the BJP is now losing initiative and is being seen as anti-poor and
anti-farmer. Mr. Modi has begun to sound like a speaker at a FICCI
meeting and when he declaims that his party has been pro-poor, he
sounds hollow. The charisma is gone. The poor do not interest him. He
projects them as a Congress conspiracy. Now, Mr. Modi wants to talk of
the second stage of development; of his exploits and negotiations
abroad. He wants to tell his aspiring masses that his negotiations
with France and Canada have enabled him to access nuclear energy. He
sounds like Father Christmas but the audience is not convinced.

Rahul worked hard in presenting a pro-poor Congress, listing out the
party's attempts to waive rural debt, and remembering how he had
promised to fight for them. He contrasted this with Mr. Modi repaying
his electoral debt to the capitalists by selling land. He talked of
the tribals from Niyamgiri, Odisha, as his little fiefdom, and cited
how 400 of them swore to him that if they lost their land, they would
become naxalites. Rahul seems more alive, almost grateful for the land
issue. What began as a morsel of an issue might turn out to be the
crystal seed of a Congress revival. Rahul attacked Mr. Modi with ease
contrasting the indifference of the BJP to the Congress's attempt to
side with the farmer.

Reinventing a party

I was watching the show with Kiran Majumdar Shaw of Biocon who
detected a deep immaturity in the Congress. She claimed that in being
a pro-farmer, pro-tribal, Rahul sounded anti-development. For a
corporate leader, there is no greater heresy. She ended by saying that
the Land Acquisition Act needs to be read and understood. Suddenly one
realises that what one has on hand is a major class battle.

It is here that the CPI(M) was in the limelight. In his acceptance
speech, Mr. Yechury was relaxed, uttering a few happy lines in Telugu
and Hindi. His ease of language was a foil to Rahul's, and his relaxed
sense of leadership, a dramatic contrast to Mr. Modi's. Whether it is
the Congress party's masses or the CPI(M)'s classes, both seem ready
to battle the aspiring generation of Mr. Modi.

There was a vestige of scientism in Mr. Yechury's speech. He talked of
the objective situation and referred to the BJP as a communal party
enacting the neo-liberal agenda. He accused the BJP of confusing
history with mythology, of being anti-scientific. Like most Marxists,
he appealed to history, claiming that history is on his side, inviting
the CPI(M) to enter into battle with the BJP. Yet, he was so amiable
that one was not quite sure whether he was delivering a lecture on
table manners or on class war.

One wished that there was less certitude and more doubt. He talked of
his comrades dying in West Bengal due to the Trinamool Congress's
aggressive and violent ways. There was no moment of reflection, or of
guilt that this culture of violence was initiated by the CPI(M) when
in power. The personality of the man dominated the moment. With the
entry of Mr. Yechury, even people critical of the CPI(M) felt that
"acche din aagaye hai" (good times are here). In his speech, he did
not have to strain for effect like Mr. Modi or Rahul had to. It was
clear that the CPI(M) has found a leader who can reinvent the party of
the future. However, his claim that socialism is the way for the
future sounds happily old-fashioned.

One needs to contrast the atmosphere of the three speeches. The CPI(M)
oozed a sense of solidarity. The Congress looked at its potential
leader avuncularly. There was a sense of hope, and of modest
expectation. On the other hand, the BJP atmosphere was surly. Mr. Modi
was almost disappointed with India and he told his cadres to work hard
and ignore 'the games of the media'. This response reminded one of
sour grapes. The man who was, hitherto, the darling of the media,
suddenly felt that things are not the same. One could sense unease
beneath the superficial calm in his party. He realises that the BJP
faces an uphill battle in Bihar and that his party has messed up the
script in Jammu and Kashmir.

A hollowness

Even as the detached spectator prepares the report cards of the three
men -- awarding an 'A', 'B', 'C' to Mr. Yechury, Rahul and Mr. Modi
respectively -- there is an unmistakable sense of dread. One wants to
join in the celebration of the prospect of revival of the CPI(M) and
the Congress but there is clearly a degree of hollowness around this
political exercise. One wonders whether the three parties can offer
much to address the ongoing crises in agriculture, the way to revive
the economy and open and good governance. All three thrive on old
categories and have little sense of the future. There has never been a
time where political ideas in the public sphere have lagged so far
behind the imperatives of institution building. It is a strange time
for India, what a friend called "a conspiracy of mediocrity and
hysteria". At this moment, a touch of civility almost seems like a
moment of genius.

Each party seems to take the poor as a pretext for politics and yet is
absent-minded about them. The Congress has a seasonal interest in the
issues of the farmer. The CPI(M) has for long ignored issues related
to marginal groups and instead focussed only on organised labour. The
BJP prefers the middle class and finds the poor an obstacle to
development. One is almost desperate and wants to say "stop the train,
I want to get off". One faces a desperation, where the crisis of faith
is so deep, that even a few morsels of hope make one grateful.

(Shiv Visvanathan is a professor at Jindal School of Government and
Public Policy.)

-- 
Peace Is Doable

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