[One can condemn the BNP-Jamaat for playing with human lives and with
dangerous ideologies that they too will not be able to control
someday, as seen from cases elsewhere in the world, however, the onus
of preventing such crimes and prosecuting the perpetrators rests with
the ruling Awami League. Sheikh Hasina’s government cannot both enjoy
being in power and shirk the responsibilities that come with that
privilege.]

http://scroll.in/article/807468/bangladeshs-slow-capitulation-to-islamism

NEIGHBOURHOOD WATCH

Bangladesh’s slow capitulation to Islamism

The murders of activists, intellectuals and bloggers is the fallout of
a larger secularism vs fundamentalism battle in that country.

Yesterday · 02:30 pm
Ikhtisad Ahmed

On April 25, Islamists butchered LGBTQ activists Xulhaz Mannan and
Tonoy Mahbub in the presence of Xulhaz’s mother at Mannan's home in
Dhaka, for being “the pioneers of practicing and promoting
homosexuality in Bangladesh (sic)”. Two days before that, extremists
hacked to death Rezaul Karim Siddique, a Muslim professor of English
at Rajshahi University in northwest Bangladesh. His killers accused
him of “calling to atheism”.

At the time of writing this piece, news of the hacking of a Hindu
tailor accused of insulting the prophet has just come in – reportedly
the doing of the Islamic State or its local agents. Along with the
murder of the blogger Nazimuddin Samad earlier this month, the red
hues greeting the Bengali New Year have been painted with blood.

The most recent killings mark the widening range of targets of the
unconscionable machete-wielding Islamists in Bangladesh. A total of 35
such fatal attacks have taken place since 2004, and counted Hindus,
Christians, moderate Muslim preachers, secular intellectuals and
activists, and foreigners as their victims. By turns, Al Qaeda in the
Indian subcontinent and the Islamic State laid tenuous claims on these
heinous killings – including ones that preceded their appearance in
this region.

The war against secularism

Attacks on progressive intellectuals in Bangladesh date back to the
country’s birth in 1971. They resumed again in the early 2000s, with
the attacks on celebrated poets Shamsur Rahman and Humayun Azad. While
Rahman survived with minor injuries, Azad died of his injuries months
later. Jamaat-e-Islami, the country’s biggest Islamist party, and its
proxies played a crucial role in the war crimes of ’71, including
listing and rounding up leading intellectuals for revenge killings in
the final three days of the war. Ziaur Rahman, the founder of the
Bangladesh Nationalist Party and the country’s president from 1977 to
1981, rehabilitated the Jamaat in politics after the assassination of
the nation’s founder, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, in 1975.

The BNP and Jamaat have drawn closer over the decades, and during
their last tenure in government (2001-2006), Bangladesh saw a sudden
new rise of Islamism. During that time, Ahmadiyyas were branded as
non-Muslims with a new vigour and minorities were subjected to
communal violence on an unprecedented scale. That period also
witnessed the rise of homegrown terrorist organisations such as the
Harkat-ul-Jihad al-Islami and the Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh,
with full patronage of the BNP-Jamaat regime.

Many observers who have taken an interest in Bangladesh’s Islamist
crisis mainly since the advent of the so-called blogger killings
overlook that such killings go much further back than 2013, and
include targets well beyond the bloggers. Yet, some commentators seek
to paint this new spike of Islamist terror as an outcrop only of the
political tussles of recent years. It has become fashionable to argue
that as democratic space has shrunk under the ruling Awami League, it
is natural for Islamist terrorism to rise.

This line is spouted not just by BNP-Jamaat members, but also by
sections of liberal society who have their own reasons for their deep
antipathy towards the Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League. Though this
claim seems reasonable on the surface, it is found to be fallacious on
closer inspection, and effectively serves as an alibi for the crimes
of Islamists.

The Shahbag movement link

The argument goes that if the Awami League was not as heavy-handed as
it is, and had left space for Opposition and dissenters, then one
would not witness such vicious forms of protest. But Bangladesh’s
democratic period has been limited and flawed – it has known
repressive regimes in the 1970s and 1980s. The state of emergency of
2007-’08 was possibly the most restrictive period in recent memory,
yet terrorist violence was not automatically engendered. The main
opponents of that regime – the Awami League and even the BNP then –
never chose to use violence targeting civilians as a tool.

To understand why this is happening now, one has to look at the timing
more carefully. Rajib Haider, the first of the bloggers to die, was
killed at the peak of the pro-war crimes trials movement of 2013.
Known as the Shahbag Movement, it was triggered by young bloggers –
who demanded that people guilty of war crimes during Bangladesh’s
struggle for Independence from Pakistan in 1971 should be brought to
justice – but drew the support of the mass population.

The BNP-Jamaat and allied Islamists, such as the Qawmi madrassa-based
network of fundamentalist clerics called Hefazat-e-Islam, sought to
discredit the pro-trials protesters. From Rajib to Nazimuddin, the
bloggers who have been maimed and murdered were on hit lists announced
by fundamentalists that comprised solely of people involved with, or
supportive of, the Shahbag Movement.

Crimes of omission

BNP-Jamaat know that they have no real case against trials that ought
to have taken place a long time ago. Thus, they have mounted
multi-million dollar lobbying in Western capitals to discredit the
International Crimes Tribunal – set up in 2009 to investigate war
crimes by the Pakistan Army and its supporters during Bangladesh’s
struggle for Independence – and highlight repressive measures taken by
the Awami League (leaving aside the fact that they presided over
similar actions and far worse – bombings from 2001-’06 killed both top
Awami League leaders and many civilians).

They have further painted the bloggers who spearheaded the Shahbag
Movement as atheists – a condemnation that carries a death sentence at
the hands of Islamist vigilantes. BNP-Jamaat’s decades-old
anti-secular ideology and the consequent rise of more vicious and
secretive Islamist outfits is the real fuel for dangerous extremism in
Bangladesh.

For its part, the Awami League, which claims to be the last bastion of
secularism in Bangladesh, has failed miserably to stand by victims of
fundamentalist attacks. Any party in an overwhelmingly Muslim country
may be wary of being seen as defending atheists or blasphemers, but
its appeasing tone is emboldening the fanatics. The Awami League
cannot both seek credit for being secular, and then appease Islamist
sentiments to detrimental degrees.

The party needs to unequivocally condemn murders as a violation of
both law and human decency, irrespective of what the victims may have
done or said. It seeks credit as the last defender of secularism, but
its shameful victim-blaming must stop.

***One can condemn the BNP-Jamaat for playing with human lives and
with dangerous ideologies that they too will not be able to control
someday, as seen from cases elsewhere in the world, however, the onus
of preventing such crimes and prosecuting the perpetrators rests with
the ruling Awami League. Sheikh Hasina’s government cannot both enjoy
being in power and shirk the responsibilities that come with that
privilege.*** [Emphasis added.]

BNP-Jamaat are constantly blamed by pro-government quarters for the
crimes they commit, but it’s time that the government remembers that
crimes of omission can be just as grievous.

Ikhtisad Ahmed is a columnist for the Dhaka Tribune, and author of the
socio-political short story collection Yours, Etcetera. He is on
Twitter as @ikhtisad.

-- 
Peace Is Doable

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