http://www.firstpost.com/politics/kerala-assembly-election-ldf-udf-bjp-modi-oomen-chandy-2789780.html

Kerala polls: LDF must thank BJP & Modi for its victory and UDF's heavy loss

Srinivasa Prasad  May 19, 2016 18:34 IST

***It wasn’t just the anti-incumbency that did Oommen Chandy in. A
quick look at the results from across Kerala’s districts clearly
points to the fact that a significant exodus of Hindus from the
Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) caused its rout in the
assembly election. Take a look at these figures first:
--the CPM-led Left Democratic Front (LDF) has scored a vote share of
43 per cent in this election. This is, in fact, 1.94 per cent less
than its 2011 vote share.
--the UDF’s 2011 vote share of 45.8 per cent has crashed to about 39 per cent.
--the BJP’s vote share of 6 per cent in 2011 has shot up to nearly 15
per cent, though it has managed to win only one seat.*** [Emphasis
added.]

So the LDF hasn’t really ‘swept’ Kerala, at least in terms of vote
share. It has just about managed to retain its 2011 popular vote, and
the presence of BJP and the three-way vote split, has helped it win 91
seats in the 140-seat assembly against 68 last time.

The BJP has eaten into the UDF’s vote bank in this election even more
than it did in the 2014 Lok Sabha election and the 2015 panchayat
polls. The BJP’s gain has come more from the UDF’s loss than from
anywhere else. This is a direct offshoot of the shift of a good part
of the Hindu vote from the UDF to the BJP.

Hindu upper castes like the Nairs (14 per cent of the population), who
had traditionally stood by UDF, have been shifting towards the BJP
since they perceived the UDF to be primarily a front dominated by
minorities. Their perception comes from the fact that the UDF has
always received approximately half its votes from Muslims (26.56 per
cent) and Christians (18.38 per cent) which together make up for about
45 per cent of the state’s 3.3 crore population.

Interestingly, the minorities continue to stand by the UDF more or
less to the same degree as they did in 2011 — the LDF was expected to
snatch some of their votes. The Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), the
second biggest party in the UDF which gets the Muslim votes for the
front, has won 18 of the 24 seats it contested this time. It won 20
seats last time. The two factions of the Kerala Congress, backed by
Christians, have won eight seats against the 10 last time.

The BJP would be content with the 15 per cent vote share and the one
seat it has notched up. The party’s popular vote has gone up from a
mere 6 per cent in the 2011 assembly election to 10.84 in the 2014 Lok
Sabha election to 13.3 in the 2014 and to 15 now in 2016. Compared to
the last assembly poll, the rise is noteworthy, but the party leaders
were hoping it would improve its panchayat poll performance to over 20
per cent and pick up a few assembly seats. For the BJP, only O
Rajagopal, the 86-year-old veteran of many electoral battles, has won
from Nemom in the state capital.

Nemom was one of the four assembly segments in the Thiruvananthapuram
Lok Sabha constituency where the BJP came first in the 2014. Shashi
Tharoor of the Congress won the Lok Sabha seat by scoring more votes
in other segments. The BJP hoped that it would win all four segments
in this assembly election, but managed to get only Nemom. Party
president Kummanam Rajasekharan, former president V Muraleedharan and
cricketer S. Sreesanth, who were fielded from the other three
constituencies, have lost, apparently because of the consolidation of
minorities against them. Sreesanth, in fact, has come a poor third
after the UDF’s popular health minister V S Sivakumar (who won the
seat by a decisive margin) and the LDF candidate.

***In the final analysis, it’s not the poll arithmetic that counts.
It’s the poll chemistry that does. At the root of Chandy’s downfall
were various scams and his government’s lacklustre performance. The
Left and the BJP leaders made full use of this situation. At their
respective election rallies, they made his government almost
synonymous with corruption.
And at every election meeting of his, Chandy refuted the allegations,
saying nothing had been proved. Obviously, people were not convinced.
Chandy had been listing out several projects and claiming credit for
them. But these projects were either non-starters or were
incomplete.*** [Emphasis added.]

The people of Kerala (93 per cent literate) are no fools. They are
aware of the fact that Chandy has not addressed the real issues. One
is the lack of infrastructure. Kerala’s roads, even highways, are bad
and narrow. The state generates only about half the power it needs.
And the lack of infrastructure, coupled with labour troubles, keeps
off investors and the industry. This, in turn leads to a severe dearth
of jobs. Malayalees continue to flock to other states in India and
countries in West Asia for jobs.

Then in the thick of the election came the rape and murder of Jisha, a
poor law student. If it was an isolated incident, it might have caused
little political damage. But coming in the middle of scams, it only
added to the negative impact on the UDF. The police haven’t found the
culprits, even three weeks after the crime, leading to questions in
the minds of cynical voters about a possible cover-up.

The BJP finally drove the final nail in Chandy’s political coffin.

-- 
Peace Is Doable

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