http://thewire.in/86086/modis-note-ban-may-spell-catastrophe-bjp/

DEMONETISATION

Modi’s Note Ban May Spell Catastrophe for the BJP

BY PREM SHANKAR JHA ON 11/12/2016       

Demonetisation has hit every sector of the economy from construction
to automobile at the same time and its ripple effects are likely to be
felt for months to come.

A farmer smoked while sitting on a sack of crops as he waited for
customers in Sanand village on the outskirts of Ahmedabad, India, Nov.
15, 2016. Credit:Reuters/Amit Dave/File photo

Remember the old adage, ‘You can fool all the people some of the time,
and some of the people all the time, but you cannot fool all the
people all the time?’ Narendra Modi’s government is reluctantly
learning its truth now. Exactly a month after the sudden announcement
of the demonetisation of Rs 500 and Rs 1000 notes, even the tame
audio-visual media has, almost unanimously, turned against his
government on this issue. Their consensus echoes an epitaph favoured
by Bismarck, “ it was not a crime; it was a mistake”.

The mistake is so elementary that it leaves no room for doubt that
Modi announced the demonetisation without consulting either the
Reserve Bank of India or the economists in the finance ministry and
NITI Aayog. One of the most basic equations in economic theory – MV=PT
– seems to have been forgotten. It is the base of the quantity theory
of money upon which the whole neoliberal macroeconomics of today
rests.

In layman terms, the equation states that the money supply in an
economy (M) multiplied by the number of times it changes hands in a
year (V) equals the average price level (P) multiplied by the number
of transactions (T) that take place during the year. PT is the gross
revenue generated in the economy during the year. Take away double
counting – the resale of intermediate goods from one producer to the
next – and you arrive at the GDP of the country.

Neo-classical economists use it to show that if you double the money
supply, prices will simply have to double in the long term. But
implicit in this is the belief that the velocity of circulation of
money is very stable as it reflects the culturally determined habits
of saving and consumption, and will therefore remain unchanged. The
volume of transactions in any given period is, therefore, constant.

This assumption does not, in fact, hold true all the time. In his book
General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money, J.M. Keynes showed
that in actual fact, V rises or falls depending on the optimism or
pessimism about the future course of the economy. Thus prices can, in
fact, increase ­– and output can respond – without an increase in
money supply, and fall without a reduction in it. This is the basis of
Keynes’ theory of the trade cycle, one of the two that together fully
explain this endemic seesaw in a market economy.

But Keynes never envisaged the possibility that a government would, of
its own volition, bring the circulation of money to a near halt and
force V down close to zero. For, since anything multiplied by zero is
zero, it would, therefore kill the market economy and drive it back to
barter. That is precisely what the demonetisation is doing. For an
already tottering economy, this is a disaster. For the political
future of the BJP, it is a self-inflicted goal that may well cost it
the match.

I got some idea of how much V had fallen after demonetisation when a
sweet shop owner told me that on the day after demonetization, his
sale had fallen from Rs 30,000-40,000 per day to a mere Rs 700. A
bookshop owner in Connaught Place told a friend that his sales had
fallen from Rs 20,000-30,000 a day to Rs 12,000 in the past month. A
high-end optician in Khan Market, New Delhi told me that his sales had
fallen by 25% in the past month. Automobile sales, which had been
rising at 11% a year in the first half of the year, fell by 38% for
Mahindra & Mahindra, 28% for Tata Motors, 20% for Hyundai and 22% for
Renault in November. There is not a single retailer who does not have
a similar story to tell.

If this is the condition of demand in the urban areas, where more
people have bank accounts and use credit cards, it is not hard to
imagine what the situation is in rural areas where where moneylenders
still meet four-fifths of the demand for credit, and nearly all the
transactions are done in cash. Two-wheeler sales have fallen by 35-40%
because 65% of all the sales are done in cash and tractor purchases
have fallen by a whopping 63% because only farmers and a few
construction companies buy them.

The worst affected sector is construction. After being starved for
funds for nine years, the construction industry has been pushed
further down by demonetisation. The immediate impact has been on
employment, for not only is it India’s second largest employer –
providing jobs to 45 million people – but since employment in
agriculture stopped growing a decade and a half ago, it has also been
the principal creator of new jobs.

But the bulk of its workers are migrants from other states who are
paid by the day, or at best by the week, and they ask for their wages
in cash. Therefore, in order to pay them, their employers need to
maintain large daily stocks of cash. Those were the cash reserves that
Modi made worthless overnight. What is worse, even their current
overdraft facilities, and their bank deposits, are not available to
them because the government has put a Rs 24,000 a day limit on all
withdrawals.

Unsurprisingly, anecdotal evidence suggests that the industry has
virtually ground to a halt. The employers’ shortage of cash has
translated into a shortage of jobs and stalled construction. Earnings
by have fallen by 80-90%. Until November 8, for instance, the mazdoor
naka near the Madhuban garden in Bhandup in Mumbai was among the
largest in the city, with nearly 500 construction workers thronging it
every morning. On November 30, there was just a trickle of 30 workers
waiting hopefully for jobs there.

In desperation, more and more workers are accepting payment in the old
currency notes, and sending a member of their family to queue in front
of banks all day to exchange it for legal tender. But as the
employment opportunities have continued to dwindle, an increased
number have joined a return flow of migrants to their villages in
order wait until the times get better. Bus companies that brought
migrant workers from Orissa to Gujarat are now plying in the opposite
direction. There is a similar return of migrant workers to Andhra and
Telangana from Mumbai and other cities in Maharashtra, and now,
increasingly, from Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Rajasthan.

Construction is not the only sector in which jobs have disappeared. A
fortnight after demonetisation, the Engineering and Export Promotion
Council estimated that more than 400,000 workers had been laid off in
the textiles and garments industries and as many as 60,000 in the
leather industry. These are only a few lightning flashes illuminating
the storm that is enveloping India’s poor.

Demonetisation is also laying waste to small and medium-sized
producers and artisans in the country. It has not even spared the
service industries, for except in software and domestic service,
income and employment in every other service industry is directly
related to production in the primary and secondary sectors of the
economy.

The story of a utensils manufacturer in Noida that has lost more than
half of its employees is the story of hundreds of thousands, perhaps
millions of SMEs all over the country. In the month after
demonetisation his sales have dropped by 90% for only one dealer has
placed orders with his company during this period. More than half of
his 40 workers, nearly all of whom are migrants, have been forced to
go home, a journey that the government is considerately facilitating
by asking the railways to accept old currency notes.

He has so far been able to retain the remaining employees only because
a grocery store has been willing to provide basic food on credit. But
the latter’s finances are not endless either. What is more, the
remaining workers still need some money to send home. So the company’s
finance manager has been standing in bank queues until 1:30 p.m. every
day to withdraw money. However, after ten days of doing so, he was
unable to withdraw any cash.

Demonetisation has not even spared the service industries, for except
in software and domestic service, income and employment in every other
service industry is directly related to production in the primary and
secondary sectors of the economy. An idea of the hardship and loss of
employment that it is causing, even if it is temporary, may be had
from the fact that 90% of the country’s 300 million workers are in the
unorganised sector and, with few exceptions, are paid entirely in
cash.

What Modi has inflicted on India, therefore, is far worse than a
natural calamity or a recession. For the first hits only parts of a
country, while the second often spares agriculture and exports. But
demonetisation has hit every part of a country and every sector of an
economy at the same time.

Today, as the data for November pours in, a few of the government’s
spokespersons and apologists are still trying to minimise the damage
demonetisation has done by quoting the data for the whole of November,
not just slurring over the fact that the first eight days saw the
small surge of demand that had begun in April, but also on last-minute
festival season rush.

But the retail sales data for December confirm that the post-November
8 data cited above, that the decline in sales is continuing. Even the
automobile sector, where cash is least used is still experiencing a
shortfall of over 20%, and two wheeler sales remain down by half.

The government spokesperson is reassuring customers that that demand
will bounce back as soon as the cash crisis is over, but while this
happens in sales, production will have to wait for three months’
accumulation of inventories to be liquidated in order to revive.

So the impact of demonetisation will not end when the currency
replacement is complete because of the ripple effects that the sudden,
two-month long contraction of demand has set off in the economy.

These effects that J.R. Hicks – another great 20th-century economist –
dubbed the “accelerator,” are well known to any student who has
studied his theory of trade Cycles. But if anyone in his government
pointed them out to him, he chose not to listen.

As many experts have pointed out, not only was demonetisation
unnecessary but also badly bungled. It was unnecessary because the
government knew from its income tax raids that people hold merely 5-6%
of their undeclared income in cash, and the balance is in gold,
precious gems, real estate and benami shareholdings.

It was inept because not only had the government not printed the more
than 20 billion new currency notes needed to replace the old, but it
also changed their size to ensure that they could not be dispensed
from the 150,000 ATMs in the country without extensive modifications.
In the end, therefore, demonetisation has created no gainers, only
losers. They now have two and a half more years to remember that they
owe their hardships to a government and a prime minister who had
promised them acche din, but has so far failed to deliver.

Prem Shankar Jha is a senior journalist and author of Twilight of the
Nation State: Globalisation, Chaos and War, and Crouching Dragon,
Hidden Tiger: Can China and India Dominate the West?


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