[Parliamentary subterfuge started by stringing non-Article 110
subjects on to a Money Bill, then adding tax terror provisions in
direct contravention of law laid down by the Supreme Court,
introducing the Bill in LS and following it up with a minor cosmetic
debate while ignoring RS opinion completely.
...
Maybe it’s just simple hubris. Or power intoxicated Dutch courage to
keep pecking at the constitutional fabric which stitches all of us
citizens (but apparently not this government) to the rule of law.]

http://blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/candid-corner/reasons-not-to-believe-finance-bill-2017-could-end-tribunal-autonomy-and-institute-tax-harassment-as-the-norm/

Reasons not to believe: Finance Bill 2017 could end tribunal autonomy
and institute tax harassment as the norm
April 4, 2017, 2:00 AM IST Abhishek Manu Singhvi in Candid Corner |
Economy, Edit Page, India |

The passage of the Finance Bill 2017 creates history on various
counts. Firstly, an ominous broad spectrum legislation encompassing
diverse subjects way beyond the limited scope of Article 110 of the
Constitution was masqueraded as a Money Bill. Secondly, hiding under
cover of the special procedure reserved for passage of Money Bills,
the government pushed the Bill by brute majority in the Lok Sabha
ignoring the collective wisdom of the Rajya Sabha reflected in its
several substantive amendments.
Thirdly, the Bill introduces draconian provisions giving unfettered
power to taxmen to search and seize without any real accountability.
Fourthly, the Bill allows taxmen to clutch at much more than is
required in name of tax compliance.

Fifthly, in a dystopian manner, the Bill converges unconnected
Appellate Tribunals on an imagined synergy between unconnected
universes (eg airport regulatory appellate with telecom appellate).
Sixthly, it introduces an overarching Section 179 which empowers the
government to make rules for all terms of service, including
appointment, salary and removal of members and chairpersons of
Tribunals and Appellate Tribunals. This all powerful Section is made
applicable to 20 odd tribunals, thereby subjecting substantive powers
and privileges of tribunals to delegated rule making control of the
executive.

Benjamin Franklin had famously said that nothing can be certain,
except death and taxes. With multiple onslaughts on the taxpayer,
including demonetisation and now the Finance Bill, it seems that death
by taxes and taxmen is the likelier scenario in this country.

***Parliamentary subterfuge started by stringing non-Article 110
subjects on to a Money Bill, then adding tax terror provisions in
direct contravention of law laid down by the Supreme Court,
introducing the Bill in LS and following it up with a minor cosmetic
debate while ignoring RS opinion completely.*** [Emphasis added.]

Section 132 of the Income Tax Act provides search and seizure powers
to the tax department only in case there is “reason to believe” that a
person has undisclosed income or property. The Supreme Court has
repeatedly held that the Section does not confer any arbitrary
authority upon the revenue officers. Since a serious invasion of
rights, freedoms and privacy of the tax payer is involved, the power
must be exercised strictly in accordance with law and only for the
purposes for which it is authorised (ITO vs Seth Brothers, 1969 SC).
If the action is maliciously taken or power is exercised for
collateral purposes or without application of mind or without honest
and bona fide formation of opinion, it is liable to be struck down
(M/s Spacewood Furnishers, 2015 SC).

How does any of this review get done if these “reasons to believe”
cannot be disclosed officially before ITO, CIT (Appeals) or ITAT? Most
bemusing and unsatisfactory is FM’s justification, viz that it exposes
the informant to the assessee. How was this provision then operated
satisfactorily for the last several decades?

Hardly a fraction of cases reach HC and above and hence non-disclosure
becomes the norm. It does not protect informer identity; it immunises
reasons themselves from review since one cannot review that which is
not disclosed!

If, on the other hand, courts, including departmental appellate bodies
(but not the assessee) can see the reasons – something which the law
and FM leave totally unclear – then the stated purpose of the
government is largely defeated but the assessee is still unable to
mount an effective challenge on what he cannot see. It will also
increase HC and SC litigation considerably, merely to get to see and
challenge these reasons, thereby defeating the very purpose of
departmental inbuilt multilayered appeals which is the heart of the IT
Act.

Last, certainly not the least, this change regarding disclosure
applies with extraordinary retrospectivity, from 1962. A lawyer FM
would certainly know that he is enacting a certain-to-be-struck-down
provision!

The new Section 132 also allows tax officers to attach provisionally
any property belonging to the assessee, in addition to humongous
existing confiscatory powers. Immediate attachment of bank accounts
with protracted multilayered proceedings serpentinely going on will
sound the death knell for most assessees. Mark Twain’s famous quip as
to the difference between a taxidermist and a tax collector being “the
taxidermist takes only the skin” seems now to be legislatively
enforced.

The provisions regulating Tribunal appointment and removal and
pretence to reduce burden on courts is in the teeth of the apex
court’s dictum in 2014 where (now) Chief Justice Khehar stated, in a
Constitution Bench, that “one cannot lose sight of the fact that the
Central Government will be a stakeholder in each and every appeal/case
which would be filed … It cannot therefore be appropriate to allow the
Central Government to play any role with reference to the places where
the Benches would be set up, the composition and constitution of the
Benches as also the transfer of members”. This is nothing short of
abuse of the democratic process.

Under cover of saving expenses, FM has sought to club Tribunals with
no connecting rationale or logical nexus. Which mental acrobat sees
synergy between the National Highways Tribunal and the Airport
Appellate Tribunal or between the Cyber Appellate Tribunal & the
Telecom Disputes Appellate Tribunal? This clubbing of such strange
bedfellows is most mystifying.

***Maybe it’s just simple hubris. Or power intoxicated Dutch courage
to keep pecking at the constitutional fabric which stitches all of us
citizens (but apparently not this government) to the rule of law.***
[Emphasis added.]

-- 
Peace Is Doable

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