Atal Bihari Vajpayee, who passed away yesterday after prolonged illness,
especially since a stroke in 2009 impairing his speech and mental
faculties, is, as very much expected in case of one who had thrice taken
oath as the country's premier and who happens to be one of the icons of the
party currently in power, being heaped with handsome encomiums by the
Indian media.

One of the recurring themes is his "bold peace initiative" with
neighbouring Pakistan, a major bugbear for his party, via a bus ride to
Lahore. That was on Feb. 20 1999 (ref.: 'Vajpayee drives across the border
into Pakistan and history' at <
http://www.rediff.com/news/1999/feb/20bus1.htm>).
What, in the process, is completely suppressed that just nine months back
India had gone overtly nuclear weponised at the behest of the selfsame
Vajpayee with so much of chest thumping, not excluding aggressive gestures
towards Pakistan. Not to forget that Farooq Abdullah, the then Chief
Minister of Jammu and Kashmir, got included in the entourage of the Prime
Minister on his ceremonial visit to the blast site after the explosions and
thereby a deliberate linkage was made between Kashmir and the Bomb. And,
thereby, a message was sent to Pakistan. To be sure, Farooq was the only
Chief Minister in that crowd other than Bhairon Singh Shekhawat, the Chief
Minister of the state in which the explosion site is located (ref.: <
https://books.google.co.in/books?id=UDA9dUryS8EC&pg=PA210-IA15&lpg=PA210-IA15&dq=Vajpayee+visits+Pokhran+with+George+Fernandes,+APJ+Abdul+Kalam+and+Farooq+Abdullah&source=bl&ots=bPqfZcn_DF&sig=zphsDpLBDYBFAm7HZz1a___E3Kw&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiZk9Lbm_TcAhVScCsKHTQNDacQ6AEwCXoECAYQAQ#v=onepage&q=Vajpayee%20visits%20Pokhran%20with%20George%20Fernandes%2C%20APJ%20Abdul%20Kalam%20and%20Farooq%20Abdullah&f=false
>).

More importantly, here's a sort of real time account of the events noted by
this observer:

<<The economic and military sanctions that came quick in the wake of the
explosions were soon followed by a series of "talks" undertaken by the US
State Department officials deputed to mediate. Strobe Talbott, the then
Deputy Secretary of State, functioned as the main interlocutor. And it is
soon after his trip to Delhi/Islamabad in January/February ’99, during what
came to be known as the "8th round of talks", the then Pakistani premier
Nawaz Sharif extended invitation to his Indian counterpart, not through any
official channel
but via an interview granted to a leading Indian daily - The Indian
Express. The Indian PM, acting his magnanimous best, seized this invitation
of sorts and heartily accepted it. Those who chose not to keep track of
Talbott’s pronouncements at various forums, before and after the "talks",
were taken by great surprise, and broke into wild applause. In fact, as
early as in mid-June ’98, about 5 weeks after the nuclear explosions by
India, Talbott had, during an official briefing, outlined that the US goal
in South Asia was to ensure that the two nuclear neighbours step by step
adopt all (nuclear) non-proliferation measures and subscribe to all the
relevant international treaties, and also "refrain from threatening
military movements or violations across the borders and particularly the
line of control or any other provocative acts or statements, and
reestablish direct communications between India and Pakistan with a view to
addressing the basic cause of the tensions between those countries,
including the issue of Kashmir ". But as the confabulations got going, the
US administration, eager to succeed, took due care of Indian sensitivity as
regards external pressure, in general, and any third party mediation on
Kashmir, in particular, and less than a fortnight before his departure to
India/Pak Strobe Talbott submitted, while addressing the Conference on
Diplomacy and Preventive Defense, that "we obviously and properly must let
the governments in question decide how much they want to expose to public
and parliamentary scrutiny the content of their side of the dialogues that
they are conducting with us. We have taken pains not to reveal, or respond
to, the Indian and Pakistani positions beyond what their spokesmen have
chosen to say in public".

In any case, an atmosphere of artificial bonhomie, bordering on euphoria,
was built up and Vajpayee on 20th February left for Wagah on the Indo-Pak
border taking the inaugural trip of the Delhi-Lahore bus service. This was
less than 3 weeks since Talbott’s departure from Delhi. Even then, Vajpayee
and Sharif were lavishly praised, for their "courage" and "statesmanship".
Some even went to the extent of recommending that they be jointly
considered for the Nobel Peace Prize. The jarring notes, and quite shrill
and loud at that, were, however, provided by the religious rights in both
the countries and also the Army in Pakistan. The next day in Lahore both
the Prime Ministers signed a joint declaration and issued a joint statement
highlighting their resolve to sort out the outstanding bilateral issues
including Kashmir and commitment to nuclear non-proliferation. Nothing much
on the ground followed thereafter.

(Source: Sl. No. 2 - 'Road to Agra: Hope or Despair?', penned on July 15
2001, at <https://www.facebook.com/notes/10150224999460437/>.)

Reproduced below are some relevant clippings of news reports and comments
in the media during that period.

I.
<<US Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott and his team concluded the
eighth round of bilateral discussions with India and Pakistan between
January 29 and February 2. Announcements both from Delhi and Islamabad at
the end of these talks are that the US will continue its dialogue on the
sensitive issue of non-proliferation over a period of time.>>
(Ref.: 'Indo-US Relations: Delhi dialogue and after' by J N Dixit at <
http://in.rediff.com/news/1999/feb/11dixit.htm>.)

II.
<<The Pakistani authorities have deployed thousands of police in the city
of Lahore where the Indian Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee, is
expected in a few hours time.
He set out from Amritsar on the inaugural trip of a new bus service between
the two countries at 1554 local time (1024GMT). It is the first visit by an
Indian prime minister to Pakistan for 10 years.
Speaking moments before the bus set off, Mr Vajpayee said he was very happy
that he was going to meet Mr Sharif.
Mr Vajpayee's 16-strong delegation will be welcomed at the Wagah border
crossing by the Pakistani Prime Minister, Nawaz Sharif; they will continue
their journey to Lahore by helicopter.
The Pakistani government says it will not allow the visit to be disrupted
despite the threat of further protests by Islamic groups.
On Friday about 2,000 people protested in Lahore against the visit.
...
Most of the protesters belonged to Islamic parties, including the
influential Jamaat-i-Islami, which has called for a general strike in
Lahore to coincide with the arrival of Mr Vajpayee>>
(Ref.: 'World: South Asia: 'Bus diplomacy' aims to ease tension', dtd. Feb.
20 1999, at <http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/281764.stm>.)

III.
<<Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee accepted a warmly worded invitation
today from Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif of Pakistan to ride the first bus to
roll from India to Pakistan in half a century and to search for a
breakthrough to peace between the hostile nations.
The meeting of the two leaders, probably in a month, would be their third
since India and Pakistan conducted underground nuclear tests in May. The
idea for the Delhi-Lahore bus service emerged at a meeting in September
when they were in New York for a United Nations session. In recent months
the leaders have developed a closer rapport in regular telephone
conversations, Mr. Sharif and Indian officials said.
Mr. Sharif invited Mr. Vajpayee, whom he described as ''an extremely decent
man,'' in an interview with Shekhar Gupta, editor in chief of The Indian
Express, an English-language daily here, that was published today. By this
afternoon the Indian Prime Minister had accepted.
In a transcript of the interview provided by Mr. Gupta, an effusive Mr.
Sharif promised that Mr. Vajpayee, arriving on the luxurious
air-conditioned bus that India is outfitting, would be received with a
hospitality ''so great that people will not forget it for a long time.''
''I will even be happy to go back with him,'' Mr. Sharif added. ''We will
solve 50 percent of our problems, make 50 percent progress on all issues,
on our way.''
Mr. Vajpayee, who was in Lucknow today, said, ''I would like to have a bus
ride to Pakistan.>>
(Ref.: 'Indian Leader Accepts Pakistani Offer to Take a Ride to Lahore,
(dtd. Feb. 4 1999), at <
https://www.nytimes.com/1999/02/04/world/indian-leader-accepts-pakistani-offer-to-take-a-ride-to-lahore.html
>.)

IV.
<<The (Kargil review) committee’s larger interest was in protecting the
“system”. Of the three examples quoted here, one was apparently a minor
change in my statement that Sharif said “should” Vajpayee travel to Lahore,
he would be given a welcome he wouldn’t forget.
It was made to read as if he had proposed that Vajpayee come to Lahore. I
had told the committee, quite truthfully, that ***Vajpayee had spoken with
me earlier and had said that if I could get Sharif to invite him in an
interview, he would say yes*** [emphasis added.]. The change was small but
served the committee’s purpose of distancing Vajpayee from the decision to
go to Lahore.>>
(Ref.: 'Kargil: What kind of a democracy are we that we are shy of facing
the truth about our wars?' by Shekhar Gupta, dtd. June 13 2018, at <
https://theprint.in/opinion/kargil-what-kind-of-a-democracy-are-we-that-we-are-shy-of-facing-the-truth-about-our-wars/69936/
>.)

V.
<<Though the rss would like to project the bykd as an independent
organisation, there is a complete unity of thought between the two. Says
Kaushal Kishor, a top rss functionary: 'There's nothing wrong with these
demands. Just going to Pakistan and coming back is not going to serve any
purpose, unless contentious issues are sorted out.' Clearly, the bykd is
made to voice the feelings of the Sangh which does not want to come out
openly and resort to rhetoric, especially on the issue of Indo-Pak
relationships.
The Sangh parivar's willingness to avoid controversy on this issue was
evident at the eighth dharma sansad in Ahmedabad, where the fire-spewing
Acharya Dharmendra openly ridiculed Vajpayee from the dais. Giving a
clarion call to launch an offensive against Pakistan, the articulate
acharya said: 'Go to Pakistan if you must, but not on a bus. Go there on
tanks and take the Pokhran bombs along.' Realising that his organisation
would be accused of creating war hysteria, vhp supremo Ashok Singhal wasted
no time in dissociating himself from the acharya. 'It was his personal
thinking which has nothing to do with the vhp,' he later said. rss
ideologue Devendra Swaroop also washed his hands of the Acharya. He told
Outlook: 'I spoke to Ashokji (Singhal) today and he also said that Acharya
Dharmendra unnecessarily said all those things. That was just the rhetoric
and not the representative voice of the vhp.' As the chorus splits into
independent voices set in a gradation of ever-shriller pitch, the rss, like
always, has the luxury of letting things be said and not take
responsibility for it.
(Ref.: 'A Proxy War Of Words' by Rajesh Joshi, dtd. March 1 1999, at <
https://www.outlookindia.com/magazine/story/a-proxy-war-of-words/207060>.)

VI.
<<Our discussions with the Indians and Pakistanis over the past 7 and a
half months have inevitably focused on these core non-proliferation issues,
but we've tried not to lose sight of the broader context -- and indeed the
broader definition of security itself. With both parties, we have been
trying to make the case that security is not just a matter of what kind of
weapons they have and in what quantities; rather, security is also,
crucially, a matter of raising living standards and building healthy
democracies. The essence of the argument that we're making to the Indians
and Pakistanis is that in pursuing what we believe is their ill-advised
reliance on nuclear deterrence, we hope very much they will not jeopardize
the other, political and economic dimensions of their own safety.
...
Now, as for Indian and Pakistani public opinion: here we obviously and
properly must let the governments in question decide how much they want to
expose to public and parliamentary scrutiny the content of their side of
the dialogues that they are conducting with us. We have taken pains not to
reveal, or respond to, the Indian and Pakistani positions beyond what their
spokesmen have chosen to say in public. But we have seen fit to summarize
our own approach, our own goals and our own interests. Not least because we
think we have some pretty good arguments worthy of, and appropriate for,
consideration and open discussion as well as closed-door deliberations.
That's why, in addition to our closed-door session with our official
interlocutors, Joe Ralston and I will, in both Delhi and Islamabad, be
meeting with members of the media, non-governmental organizations, and
other opinion-leaders.>>
(Ref.: 'Dialogue, Democracy and Nuclear Weapons in South Asia' by Strobe
Talbott, Deputy Secretary of State, dtd. Jan. 16 1999, at <
https://1997-2001.state.gov/policy_remarks/1999/990116_talbott_sa.html>.)

>From the above, clearly follow:

AA. US Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott and his team had held eigh
rounds of bilateral discussions with India and Pakistan between Jan. 29 and
Feb. 2 1999.

BB. The US side took care not to divulge which woul embarrass the Indian or
Pakistani regime.

CC. On Feb. 3, just a day(?) since completion of the eighth round of talks
with the US reps.,the Indian Express carried an interview of  Nawaz Sharif,
with Shekhar Gupta, in which Sharif extended a warmly worded invite to
Vajpayee to visit Lahore.
(For an interesting and informed account, also ref.: 'Dateline Islamabad'
by Amit Baruah at <
https://books.google.co.in/books?id=64JICgAAQBAJ&pg=PT102&lpg=PT102&dq=Indian+Express,+Nawaz+Sharif+interview+with+Shekhar+Gupta,+1999&source=bl&ots=L_AvwTmOm-&sig=0IUBb9Zmpz3qmXCEXkTC9DhHDaQ&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjY7puPuvTcAhXZdysKHWPRAfoQ6AEwC3oECAIQAQ#v=onepage&q=Indian%20Express%2C%20Nawaz%20Sharif%20interview%20with%20Shekhar%20Gupta%2C%201999&f=false
>.)

DD. Gupta had, in fact, been virtually deputed by Vajpayee to extract an
invite from Sharif.

EE. Vajpayee publicly accepted the "invite", from Lucknow where he was,
almost immediately, without even waiting for an official communication from
Sharif, on Feb. 4.

FF. ***That shows an extraordinary keenness on the part of Vajpayee, and
also Sharif, so very out of character with the shrill noises that had
accompanied the nuclear blasts just some nine months back***.
They were completely undeterred by their respective domestic oppositions.

***GG. Given the chronology of events, the link between Strobe Talbott's
eight round of bilateral talks, in Delhi and Islamabad, concluded on Feb.
2, and the extension of the "invite", through an unofficial channel, and
its almost immediate acceptance, on Feb. 4, to be followed up with the
actual visit about a fortnight thereafter, on Feb. 20, indicating a massive
change of hearts on both the sides, becomes all too evident.***

Sukla
-- 
Peace Is Doable

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