[The Pulwama suicide bombing has come as a godsend to Modi as Kargil, which
had happened because of massive intelligence failure on the Indian side,
had fallen into the lap of Vajpayee.
Not that even otherwise, the prospects were too clear.
But, now things have turned appreciably more difficult.

The easiest outlet for the insane, yet impotent, rage of the (Hindu) Indian
masses, or at least significant sections thereof, at the gross humiliation
suffered, is to vote for the most strident, never ever bother about the
actual effectiveness, of the anti-Pak/anti-Muslim party, in a rush.
That's the only revenge one can take, which one must.
Hell with sane reasons.

But, then, it's not only India.
In any, whatever, country war or war-like situations work to the benefits
of the national jingoists.
More so, if they're in power.

As an illustration, Stalin consolidated his power farther, in the course of
the WWII, regardless of the immense disaster that his grossly cynical
alliance with Hitler would bring in for the Soviet masses.
In order to reap the advantage in the midst of a desperate situation caused
by a totally unanticipated betrayal he'd have to change the
'Internationale' (ref.: <
https://www.marxists.org/archive/grant/1944/01/scraps.htm>) as the national
anthem, which had been adopted in the wake of the November Revolution, as a
prominent mark of the new born state's commitment to the idea of world
revolution, and replace it with a truly "national" one. Also noteworthy is
the rehabilitatations the Tsarist era despots and bloodhounds as national
icons (ref.: <
https://scholarship.richmond.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1063&context=bookshelf
>).
That helped to galvanise the "nation" behind him and make the supreme
sacrifice.

Conversely, even Hitler was, as it appears, immensely popular with the
German masses, till the very end.

The situation needs very imaginative handling.
Even that may fall far short.

<<The terrorist attack at Pulwama, killing 40 Indian soldiers, provides
Narendra Modi a huge but risky chance to portray himself as the toughest
politician in India. Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s victory in the 1999 Kargil war
helped him win the next general election. Can Modi use Pulwama to do the
same?
He must avoid military action, which could backfire badly. Far wiser would
be new forms of political theatre, similar to his “surgical strikes” in
2016, in retaliation for the attack on our armed forces at Uri. That
satisfied the public demand for action without risking dangerous escalation
into all-out war.>>]

https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/blogs/Swaminomics/stick-to-political-theatre-it-is-safer-than-risking-war-with-pak/?fbclid=IwAR1OtsPDLxDUgiJaLIfocXDLCJDJCH_9FAFJ4FS-hcO4OWpxamhW6kUKqvo

Stick to political theatre, it is safer than risking war with Pak

February 24, 2019, 2:00 AM IST SA Aiyar in Swaminomics | India | TOI

The terrorist attack at Pulwama, killing 40 Indian soldiers, provides
Narendra Modi a huge but risky chance to portray himself as the toughest
politician in India. Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s victory in the 1999 Kargil war
helped him win the next general election. Can Modi use Pulwama to do the
same?

He must avoid military action, which could backfire badly. Far wiser would
be new forms of political theatre, similar to his “surgical strikes” in
2016, in retaliation for the attack on our armed forces at Uri. That
satisfied the public demand for action without risking dangerous escalation
into all-out war.

Something similar is needed now.

I call the surgical strikes political theatre because they were
strategically empty and militarily only fleabites. In some cases, Indian
troops went barely a kilometre or two into Pakistani territory. The damage
they did was so modest that Pakistan’s first reaction was to deny that
anything had happened beyond the usual border skirmishes. One Pakistani
official sneered, “How is it possible that the target of a surgical strike
has no idea it took place?”

This explained why Pakistan did not retaliate. Fleabites do not cause
military escalation. However, the surgical strikes were portrayed by Modi,
and hailed by the Indian media, as a great military success. It burnished
the image of Modi as a strong leader who taught Pakistan lessons that
earlier Congress governments dared not.

Once the euphoria abated, events soon proved that the surgical strikes were
a strategic flop. They failed to check terrorism or Pakistani support for
it. Insurgency-related fatalities in Kashmir actually went up from 267 in
2016 to 358 in 2017, and estimated infiltrations from 371 to 406. Civilian
deaths increased by 166%. Now, the Pulwama attack proves that the surgical
strikes have not deterred future attacks.

But even if the surgical strikes failed strategically, they constituted
clever political theatre. A good politician satisfies the public blood lust
and demand for revenge by finding solutions that soothe angry voters
without risking dangerous military escalation. The surgical strike was good
politics, even if strategically empty.

Between now and the elections, can Modi launch another surgical strike or
bombing of terrorist camps in Pakistan? Very risky. After the last strikes,
Pakistan warned of retaliation against even fleabites. It is on 100%
military alert, every possible target is guarded, and contingency planning
for retaliation is complete. Last time India took Pakistan by surprise.
That’s now impossible.

If India attempts another surgical strike but suffers heavy casualties,
Modi will be castigated by opposition parties, and could lose rather than
gain votes. Ditto if Modi sends bombers across the border to hit terrorist
camps, and Pakistani missiles shoot these down. Remember US president Jimmy
Carter’s attempt to rescue US hostages in Iran in 1978? His helicopters
were caught in a storm and crashed. He had hoped that a dramatic rescue
would help him win the next election, but the fiasco ensured that he lost.
This holds a lesson for Modi.

Pakistani PM Imran Khan has to defend his own tough image, and is
determined not to allow an Indian victory. He is well armed and can inflict
substantial damage. To begin with, a military exchange may be limited to
military targets, but if Pakistan seems to be losing, Khan will surely
raise the ante and attack economic targets. Pakistan’s missiles can easily
smash nearby targets like Gujarat’s giant refineries and Bombay High
offshore fields, crippling oil supplies. India can hit Pakistani refineries
and power stations too. But even if escalation to nuclear weapons is
avoided, the result will be massive mutual economic damage that does
nothing to solve terrorism, and will probably worsen it.

One alternative is covert action to attack targets in Pakistan. This is
unlikely to provoke military retaliation, and so reduces the risk of
outright war. India must have undercover agents in Pakistan, but their
effectiveness is unproven. All worthwhile targets in Pakistan are on high
alert, so attackers could be decimated.

There remains innovative political theatre. Many old terrorist camps, or
offices of terrorist leaders, may be mostly empty or inactive. Hence they
may be unguarded or lightly guarded. Why not use covert action to blow
these up, and then exaggerate the damage done and casualties inflicted?
Much creative video manipulation is possible to give the impression of a
major success. The media will readily lap up tales of victory, and
opposition parties will look unpatriotic if they object.

This is only one example of theatre. Modi can doubtless think up others.

Is this too cynical? No more so than the surgical strikes.
-- 
Peace Is Doable

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