[<<For millions of years, monsoonal winds have cycled between Asia’s
tropical seas and the Tibetan Plateau, delivering snow to its high-altitude
mountains and rains to the plains below them. The melting snow and summer
rains combine to create a system of rivers that fan out from the mountains,
delivering water and fertile soil to East, Southeast and South Asia.
Known as the Great Himalayan Watershed (GHW), this hydrological phenomenon
has created richly diverse ecosystems and the right conditions for some of
the world’s earliest agricultural and urban centres. The GHW encompasses
most of Asia’s rivers — today around 45 per cent of the world’s population
depends on the watershed and it is home to many significant manufacturing
centres and trade networks. Despite this, the GHW has received little
public or political attention.
...
The GHW needs an international management council that would balance the
needs of its fragile glacial heights, large downstream populations and
biodiverse deltas.
It would need to combine ice-pack and river management. The ‘third pole’
could be managed by an organisation like the Arctic Council, which operates
between the governments and indigenous peoples of the Arctic. This body
could then liaise with a series of river management authorities that could
be modelled on the existing Mekong River Commission.
But what would it take to create such a council? Forward thinking or a
catastrophe?>>]

https://www.eastasiaforum.org/2019/07/02/the-unwinnable-contest-for-himalayan-water-resources/

The unwinnable contest for Himalayan water resources

2 July 2019

Author: Ruth Gamble, La Trobe University

For millions of years, monsoonal winds have cycled between Asia’s tropical
seas and the Tibetan Plateau, delivering snow to its high-altitude
mountains and rains to the plains below them. The melting snow and summer
rains combine to create a system of rivers that fan out from the mountains,
delivering water and fertile soil to East, Southeast and South Asia.

Workers fixing railway tracks on a bridge over the Yarlung Tsangpo river as
part of the construction of the railway linking Lhasa and Nyingchi, Tibet
(Photo: Reuters).

Known as the Great Himalayan Watershed (GHW), this hydrological phenomenon
has created richly diverse ecosystems and the right conditions for some of
the world’s earliest agricultural and urban centres. The GHW encompasses
most of Asia’s rivers — today around 45 per cent of the world’s population
depends on the watershed and it is home to many significant manufacturing
centres and trade networks. Despite this, the GHW has received little
public or political attention.

Increasing attention is now being paid to the watershed’s degraded state.
Scientists, environmentalists and locals are particularly concerned about
its glaciated headwaters and its deltas. Both are experiencing accelerated
climate change and biodiversity loss.

The best-case scenario for the GHW would be a pervasive management plan,
focused on its interconnected headwaters and threatened deltas. But the
complex mix of the ‘geo’ and ‘political’ within the GHW makes a management
solution unlikely.

China controls the uppermost reaches of all these rivers, but only the
Yellow and Yangtze Rivers flow within its boundaries. Even then, their
upper reaches lie in Tibetan ethnic regions — environments foreign to most
Chinese citizens. The Mekong, Salween, Brahmaputra, Ganges and Indus Rivers
are transboundary river systems and most of them transverse more than two
countries.

In the GHW’s southeast, intergovernmental organisations have only made
tentative steps towards the transnational management of the Mekong. On its
southern side, cooperation is proving even more elusive. The Indus,
Brahmaputra and many of the Ganges’ tributaries flow through areas
contested by China, India, Bhutan, Nepal and Pakistan. These river systems
are not only un-managed, a heavy military presence within them is also
further straining their fragile ecologies.

All Himalayan nation-states are now concerned about water security, but
their competitive efforts to secure the GHW’s water are depleting rather
than reviving its rivers.

Border standoffs are at least partially a result of the region’s
topographical imbalance. China’s control of the rivers’ sources is a
powerful strategic advantage that feeds paranoia in downstream countries.
New development and technologies have allowed China to increase its
presence on the Plateau, and it has also demonstrated a willingness to
manipulate the region’s water flows and water flow data.

After the Doklam standoff between India, Bhutan and China in 2017, China
refused to adhere to its data sharing agreement with India on flow levels.
India depends on this data to prepare for monsoon floods — a lack of
information about river flows puts lives at risk. While the Indian
government’s reaction was mute, perhaps given its ability to monitor the
river through military satellites, the media stoked local fears. Many
people living along India’s north-eastern rivers now fear that China will
use flash-floods or even river-delivered poison against them.

The rivers are being mined for gold, metals, sand and boutique water, and
are being dammed for large hydropower projects. The size of these
hydropower projects reveals their builders’ state-making intent — large
projects allow governments to solidify their control in ethnic minority
regions, make ‘first use’ water usage claims against international
competitors and connect the periphery to the centre through the electricity
grid.

One country’s hydropower projects would put environmental strains on this
river system. Mirrored projects on either side of international borders are
a result of intensifying competition for resources between states. On the
upper Indus River, for example, China, India and Pakistan have all built
hydropower dams within a few hundred kilometres of each other. One
well-managed hydro-project could have provided sufficient energy for the
entire region.

Like many other minoritised areas, the Himalayas’ resources are being
extracted for the benefit of urban majorities. Any local resistance to the
hydropower projects have been curtailed by heavy state presences across the
Himalayas.

China, India and Pakistan have approached the mountains as distant,
impenetrable and effectively empty. India and China took effective control
of the region in the 1960s, marginalised its peoples and dissected their
homelands with international borders.

Despite promoting themselves as the world’s premier post-colonial states,
they have behaved like colonists in these mountains — importing lowland
populations and armies and extracting their resources.

The rivers that flow from the Himalayan ice-pack are notorious border
flouters and continuously work to erode state infrastructure. The states’
intensely nationalistic approach to these rivers is not only
environmentally disastrous but also fundamentally impractical.

The environmental strains that militarisation and resource extraction place
on the region will eventually force change. The degradation of the upper
GHW will make it unliveable for soldiers and locals. Intensifying upstream
decline will impact the billions of people who live downstream.

The GHW needs an international management council that would balance the
needs of its fragile glacial heights, large downstream populations and
biodiverse deltas.

It would need to combine ice-pack and river management. The ‘third pole’
could be managed by an organisation like the Arctic Council, which operates
between the governments and indigenous peoples of the Arctic. This body
could then liaise with a series of river management authorities that could
be modelled on the existing Mekong River Commission.

But what would it take to create such a council? Forward thinking or a
catastrophe?

Dr Ruth Gamble is a David Myers Research Fellow at La Trobe University,
Melbourne.

This article appeared in the most recent edition of East Asia Forum
Quarterly — Chinese realities — Vol. 11, No. 2.
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