[Imaginative budgeting, at its hoaxiest!
But, how about the "anti-nationals", ready to call out?

《But the cat was let out of the bag by the Economic Survey authored by the
new Chief Economic Advisor (CEA), Krishnamurthy Subramanian, and tabled by
the finance minister on July 4 in Parliament. It provided a far more
believable provisional actual revenue receipt of Rs 15.63 trillion [as
starkly contrasted from 17.29 trillion in the budget estimate] for 2018-19
based on data provided by the Controller General of Accounts (CGA).

The Budget is tabled one day after the Economic Survey. The CEA is
administratively under the secretary, department of economic affairs, who
is also currently the finance
secretary.

How did this massive happen discrepancy (amounting to 0.9 per cent of the
GDP) occur and why? Will the government amend the Budget documents —
already in Parliament — to reflect the true revenue receipt (RR) for
2018-19?》]

https://www.asianage.com/opinion/columnists/100719/budget-data-snafu-no-answers-in-sight.html?fbclid=IwAR3VNAAmM86rch245lFd4FBBH13nmuvkhrCh1dme0S-tUXhTSo8-gAtWZMk

Budget data snafu: No answers in sight

Sanjeev Ahluwalia
The writer is adviser, Observer Research Foundation

Published : Jul 10, 2019, 2:19 am IST Updated : Jul 10, 2019, 2:19 am IST

The Budget over-estimated the 2018-19 revenue receipts by 9.6 per cent.

Krishnamurthy Subramanian

Budget FY 2020, tabled on July 5 in Parliament, unintentionally unleashed a
“whodunnit” type mystery with serious downstream negative fiscal impacts.
The snafu was spotted by eagle-eyed economists Ratin Roy, director of the
National Institute of Public Finance and Policy, and Nitin Desai, a
previous Chief Economic Advisor, within hours of the tabling of the Budget.
In response, there has only been deafening silence from the government.

The Budget over-estimated the 2018-19 revenue receipts by 9.6 per cent.
Till January 2019, the Controller General of Accounts had reported revenue
receipts of Rs 11.8 trillion. A simple extrapolation of the trend over the
next two months (February and March 2019) throws up Rs 14.2 trillion for
the full fiscal year.



But the revised estimate in the Interim Budget, presented on February 1,
was Rs 17.25 trillion —assuming thereby a massive infusion of Rs 5.4
trillion of revenue in the last two months amounting to Rs 2.7 trillion a
month – a startlingly large sum of money. Oddly, by July 5, this estimate
had increased, albeit only marginally, to Rs 17.29 trillion.

But the cat was let out of the bag by the Economic Survey authored by the
new Chief Economic Advisor (CEA), Krishnamurthy Subramanian, and tabled by
the finance minister on July 4 in Parliament. It provided a far more
believable provisional actual revenue receipt of Rs 15.63 trillion for
2018-19 based on data provided by the Controller General of Accounts (CGA).

The Budget is tabled one day after the Economic Survey. The CEA is
administratively under the secretary, department of economic affairs, who
is also currently the finance
secretary.

How did this massive happen discrepancy (amounting to 0.9 per cent of the
GDP) occur and why? Will the government amend the Budget documents —
already in Parliament — to reflect the true revenue receipt (RR) for
2018-19?

The data on provisional actuals — the lower RR number — is unlike GDP data.
There are no assumptions to hide behind. In any case, the CGA receipts data
coming in lower than the Budget estimate can only imply two things.

One, that the CGA has forgotten to include the Rs 1.7 trillion lying about
in the treasury. This is unlikely. The CGA is a professional cadre where
staff and officers are permanently employed in accounting for the
government’s receipts and expenditures. They do not mess up except very,
very marginally.

The economic division, which prepares the Economic Survey and which used
the CGA data correctly, is similarly staffed by professional economists
with long experience in fiscal and development economics.

The Budget Division, however, is staffed by a mix of officers on deputation
from other cadres. The additional secretary, budget’s boss is the
secretary, department of economic affairs, who is, usually, another
generalist.

More likely, lack of application of mind or just plain carelessness,
possibly poor coordination between the CGA and the Budget division, was to
blame. Alternatively, officers and their political superiors actually knew
about the CGA’s lower RR data but deliberately misinformed Parliament. This
is too shocking to even consider.



What then could be the motive for the data fudge? Possibly, the desire to
boost revenue performance versus the high targets and also keep the fiscal
deficit at prudent levels both in the February Interim Budget and in the
July Budget for 2019-20. Managerial incentives to fool owners (in this
case, citizens as represented by MPs) with creative accounting are not
unknown, in the corporate world. It is unlikely, however, that the
bureaucracy would willingly risk such misadventures.

The final accounts are based on CGA data. So the fudge could only have
worked for a short while. Could it be that a covenant was struck with the
CEA not to use the provisional actuals data in the Economic Survey, to keep
it aligned with the Budget documents, and he backtracked? Or was he never
consulted on the fudge and refused to play ball once he came to know?

Why does it matter? Credit rating agencies and analysts focus on the metric
of fiscal deficit (FD) — the difference between revenue and expenditure of
all types expressed as a proportion of GDP. Our Fiscal Responsibility and
Budget Management Act, was termed as an inviolable book-end of the fiscal
envelop available to her, by Finance Minister Sitharaman, the other book
end being the baggage of the past inherited by her.

If revenue is short by Rs 1.7 trillion in 2018-19, then the FD was not the
reasonable 3.4 per cent of GDP as shown, but a much more worrying 4.3 per
cent last year.

Also another discrepancy, the revised estimate for GDP last year, is Rs
188.4 trillion per the Budget document for 2019-20 but is stated higher at
Rs 190.1 trillion per the Economic Survey. Not very substantial, but
unexplained data discrepancy between the CGA, CEA and the Budget division
is unusual.

If revenue receipts in 2018-19 were short by Rs 1.7 trillion, this year’s
revenue growth would have to be an unreal 25.6 per cent to achieve the
target instead of 13.5 per cent as budgeted — even this being a tough
target in a downturn. The revenue estimates tabled in Parliament are
hopelessly incorrect and unrealistic, even taking into account the
additional excise duty and infrastructure development cess of Rs 1 each
levied per litre of petrol and diesel; and the higher customs duty on a
number of products to “protect” Make in India and the income tax surcharge
on the super-rich. Revenue receipts will have to be revised downwards.

The borrowing programme would increase from Rs 8.7 trillion to Rs 10.4
trillion — a hike of Rs 1.2 trillion — 13 per cent more than the original
estimate and higher than the borrowing in 2018-19.

Optionally, the government can cut back expenditure. This would demonstrate
a resolve to adhere to a hard budget constraint. It would be viewed
favourably by foreign analysts and credit rating agencies, which must be
quite shocked at such massive budgeting errors in a potential sovereign
borrower, with an investible grade rating, headed for the international
bond markets soon.

Heads will roll in due course. Far more importantly, this indicates the
lack of an institutionalised team for checks and balances and teamwork. One
can only wonder at the confusion that the proposed, disruptive lateral
entry of 400 senior officers, recruited from the market, would cause, fed
by internecine wars between cadres, unless we have systems in place to
replace the glue of cadre and personal loyalties.
-- 
Peace Is Doable

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