[In the subject context, one'd, with a rather heavy heart, like to draw
attention of the readers to the following:

I.

The BJP – the Modi-Shah duo, in particular, is, obviously, only too elated.
Modi is taking this opportunity also to refashion the organisational power
structure.66 What, however, is far more germane in anticipating the
developments in the coming days is that the BJP/RSS has a project - to
supplant the "secular" and "democratic" Indian state with a "Hindu Rashtra"
(Hindu nation state) - the contours of which are, understandably, not
etched in stone, but, even then, would mean complete negation of
substantive democracy and pluralism. Of still greater salience, the journey
towards it has got to be propelled by constant stirring up of hatred and
violence against the constructed inimical "others", in order to mobilise
the Hindus as "Hindus", drowning out all other competing identities.67

Taking off from that basic proposition, the new regime is likely to have
two major focal points on the "political" front68:
I. Dismantling of all opposition - both party and non-party.
Towards that, dislodging, maybe even dismissal, of, at least a few,
opposition-run state governments.
ED, IT, CBI raids on opposition politicians; also, in some cases, buying
out.
Tightening the screw, in a myriad ways – including enhanced digital
surveillance, also as regards the civil society organisations and
dissenting individuals.
II. Sharply spiking communal polarisation by way of (phased?) nationwide
roll-out of the NRC69, also scrapping of Art. 370 (and Art. 35A)70 and
putting to good use the Mandir-Masjid issue(s)71, as per the demands of the
situation.
Other expected developments are:
(i) Further intensification of non-state physical violence.72
(ii) Mega sale of PSUs.73
(iii) “Economic reforms”.74
(iv) Stepped up trashing of environmental norms and safeguards.75
(v) Tightening the grip over the education infrastructure and institutions.
76
(vi) Further defanging of watchdog institutions.77
(vii) More repressive laws, if felt necessary.
While the actual (detailed) work plan will evolve and be calibrated, based
on the perceived ground situations, and be punctuated with some measures to
project a “people-friendly” image78 – to confuse and divide the potential
opposition, there is little scope that the general direction would be
anything significantly different from the one sketched out above.
It would no longer be business as usual, not even by the standards of the
last five years.

Conclusion
Modi 2.0 very much presents us with the looming threat of the dismantling
of the "India" - embodying the values of "democracy", "pluralism" and
"egalitarianism", that had been wrought out in the crucible of the epic
freedom struggle and, in the process, finally emerged on the 15th August
1947 - in pursuance of a project to supplant it with a "Hindu Rashtra"
(Hindu nation state) - by mobilising the Hindus of India as "Hindus",
drowning out all other identities linked to language, culture, gender,
caste, class etc., constantly stoking hatred and violence against the
constructed inimical "others".
Regardless of all the (innumerable) flaws and shortcomings that "India" –
real and even notional, encapsulates, the success of the above project
would prove to be an unmitigated disaster for the vast majority of the
people inhabiting this land.

What could offer at least some chance to avert such a predicament is a
broad front/fronts: consisting of political parties, as many as possible -
including their associated mass organisations, and non-party civil society
organisations - based on the common agenda of saving democracy/democratic
rights and unity of the country. Backed, actively, by right-minded,
otherwise diffused, individuals. On top of the, ongoing and to be taken up,
myriad specific issue-based struggles, by various constituents in their own
ways – unitedly or independently.
Determined and consistent resistance has got to be offered on all available
terrains – including parliamentary, legal, media (both traditional and new)
and the streets, and in spaces – political and civil.
It is, admittedly, a stupendous task given that (i) the regime has the
levers of the state power under its control – providing it with a
disproportionate advantage to set and control the narrative
(Pulwama-Balakot being a graphic illustration), and (ii) coming on top of
its not too inconsiderable success in vitiating the “Hindu” psyche, via
persistent and diligent work, by the RSS and its myriad affiliates, over
decades and decades.
Moreover, much of the “opposition” may start melting away even before the
real fight starts.
However, one has no option but to hope against hope and fight back.

15 06 2019

(Ref.: '2019 Parliamentary Poll : Outcome: Drivers: Consequences : An
Exploration' at <
https://docs.google.com/document/d/e/2PACX-1vSX4J7wt12TDUlBKNQ_x1AiIPFvYKiNay001ceKe6qrZD9kAy_8sdtYNE25Jbwk0A/pub
>.)

II.
Capturing state power, however, as has been proclaimed time and again by
various functionaries of the RSS, including the sarsanghachalak, is only a
means to attain the ultimate goal of national reconstruction (i e.
establishment of the Hindu rashtra). And that is precisely why the
erstwhile Janasanghis walked out of the Janata Party (and the government
led by it) when pressurised to sever their ties with the RSS (a
self-proclaimed cultural organisation) by the other constituents.
...
Once they gain radically increased access to the levers of state power the
real game will start. Not only will Ayodhya, Kashi and Mathura start
picking up new momentum, it is quite possible, or rather likely, that from
their bag of tricks even more unorthodox ones will start popping out. From
that point onwards, the script would be pretty predictable. Passions will
be aroused. Khaki shorts and black caps will be out on the streets. The
armed might of the state will back them up to the hilt. The BJP juggernaut
will roll on, unstoppable. National ’reconstruction’, RSS style, will
commence. And the death warrant for the concept, the dream, called India,
which was shaped out of one of the most gigantic anti-imperial popular
struggles of the 20th century, will be issued.

(Ref.: 'BJP’s Real Agenda', dtd. 07 Feb, 1998, at <
https://www.epw.in/journal/1998/6/discussion/bjp-s-real-agenda.html> and <
http://www.sacw.net/article768.html>.)

<<This is very clever. Is it legal? One serious objection is Article
370(1)(c). Article 370(1)(c) (unamended) stated that “notwithstanding
anything contained in this Constitution, the provisions of Article 1 and
this Article shall apply in relation to that State.” This is absolutely
crucial, because it makes clear that the power of the President to amend
provisions of the Constitution in relation to J&K does not extend to
Article 1 and “this Article”, i.e., Article 370 itself. 370(1)(d) makes it
even clearer where it refers to the “other provisions” of the Constitution
that may be altered by Presidential Order (and this is how the present
Presidential Order is different from previous ones, such as those that
introduced Article 35A). Article 370 itself, therefore, cannot be amended
by a Presidential Order such as C.O. 272 (the one exception was a
clarificatory amendment, which is not analogous to this one).

Now, it may be immediately objected that C.O. 272 does not amend Article
370: it amends Article 367. The point, however, is that the content of
those amendments do amend Article 370, and as the Supreme Court has held on
multiple occasions, you cannot do indirectly what you cannot do directly. I
would therefore submit that the legality of C.O. 272 – insofar as it amends
Article 370 – is questionable, and as that is at the root of everything, it
throws into question the entire exercise.

There is a second important point to be noted here. C.O. 272 says – as it
must – that the concurrence of the government of the state of Jammu and
Kashmir has been taken. However, Jammu and Kashmir has been under
President’s Rule for many months now. Consequently, actually, the consent
is that of the Governor. However, there are two serious problems with
basing C.O. 272 upon the consent of the Governor. The first is that the
Governor is a representative of the Central Government – like the
President. In effect, therefore, Presidential Order 272 amounts to the
Central Government taking its own consent to amend the Constitution.
...
For these two reasons, therefore – first, on the indirect amendment of
Article 370(3) proviso via 370(1), and secondly, on the use of the Governor
as a substitute for the elected assembly in a matter of this kind – I would
submit that there are serious legal and constitutional problems with
Presidential Order C.O. 272 – which, of course, forms the basis of both the
statutory resolution and the Reorganisation Bill.>>

(Excerpted from al. no. I. below.)

<<Terming the revoking of Article 370 a “catastrophic step”, the Congress
accused the BJP of taking the decision “for votes” and said it marks a
“black day” in the constitutional history of India.

Reacting to the development, senior Congress leader and former home
minister P Chidambaram said, “We anticipated a misadventure, but did not
think in our wildest dreams that they will take such a catastrophic step.”

“Today is a black day in the constitutional history of India,” he said
outside Parliament. Senior Congress leader Ghulam Nabi Azad accused the BJP
of taking the decision “for votes”. He also alleged that the party is
playing with unity and integrity of the state.

Omar Abullah says it's betrayal of trust

Terming the government’s move on Article 370 “unilateral and shocking”,
former chief minister and National Conference leader Omar Abdullah said it
was a total “betrayal of trust” of the people of Jammu and Kashmir.

“Government of India (GOI)’s unilateral and shocking decisions today are a
total betrayal of the trust that the people of Jammu & Kashmir had reposed
in India when the state acceded to it in 1947. The decisions will have
far-reaching and dangerous consequences. This is an aggression against
people of the State as had been warned by an all-parties meeting in
Srinagar yesterday.

“GOI has resorted to deceit and stealth in recent weeks to lay the ground
for these disastrous decisions. Our darkest apprehensions have
unfortunately come true after the GOI and its representatives in J&K lied
to us that nothing major was planned,” he said.

He said that the announcement was made after the entire state, particularly
the Valley, was turned into a garrison. “Those of us who gave democratic
voice to the people of Jammu & Kashmir, are incarcerated as lakhs of armed
security personnel have been put on the ground.

“The scrapping of Articles 370 and 35A raise fundamental questions on the
state’s accession because that was done on the very terms enunciated in
these articles. The decisions are unilateral, illegal and unconstitutional
and will be challenged as such by the National Conference . A long and
tough battle lies ahead. We are ready for that,” he said.
...
Mehaboba Mufti comments

Following the Home Minister’s announcement, ruckus was created in the
House. "Today marks darkest day in Indian democracy," Mehbooba Mufti said.
Want to disempower Muslims to the extent where they become second class
citizens in their own state, said Mufti.

Article 370 move will have catastrophic consequences for subcontinent, they
want territory of J&K by terrorising it’s people, she added.
...
@ArvindKejriwal
Follow Follow @ArvindKejriwal
More
We support the govt on its decisions on J & K. We hope this will bring
peace and development in the state.

12:35 AM - 5 Aug 2019>>

(Excerpted from al. no. II. below.)

Also look up:

AA. <
https://www.telegraphindia.com/india/double-strike-president-signs-order-scrapping-article-370-bill-moved-to-make-jammu-and-kashmir-union-territory/cid/1695881
>.

BB. <
https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/full-text-of-document-on-govts-rationale-behind-removal-of-special-status-to-jk/article28821368.ece
>.

CC. <
http://www.ptinews.com/news/10759911_Amit-Shah-moves-resolution-on-J-K-reorganisation-in-LS.html
>.

DD. <
https://www.news18.com/news/india/kashmir-live-updates-jammu-and-kashmir-tension-article-370-article-35a-narendra-modi-amit-shah-srinagar-2258121.html
>.

I.
https://indconlawphil.wordpress.com/2019/08/05/the-article-370-amendments-key-legal-issues/?fbclid=IwAR2h12Puu6pOx9MRjZnkz2OvPd342VJAI6uYOmg_onX22htwVfmXzQpgyqU

The Article 370 Amendments: Key Legal Issues

Monday
05 Aug 2019

Posted by Gautam Bhatia

In this post, I will attempt to break down the constitutional changes to
Article 370, and highlight some key legal issues surrounding them. In
essence, to understand what has happened today, there are three important
documents. At the heart of everything is Presidential Order C.O. 272, which
constitutes the basis for everything that follows. The second is a
Statutory Resolution introduced in the Rajya Sabha, which – invoking the
authority that flows from the effects of Presidential Order C.O. 272 –
recommends that the President abrogate (much of) Article 370. The third is
the Reorganisation Bill, that breaks up the state of Jammu and Kashmir into
the Union Territories of Ladakh (without a legislature) and Jammu and
Kashmir (with a legislature).

To understand the legal issues, we need to begin with the language of
unamended Article 370. Article 370, as is well known, limited the
application of the provisions of the Indian Constitution to the state of
Jammu and Kashmir. Under Article 370(1)(d), constitutional provisions could
be applied to the state from time to time, as modified by the President
through a Presidential Order, and upon the concurrence of the state
government (this was the basis for the controversial Article 35A, for
example). Perhaps the most important part of 370, however, was the proviso
to clause 3. Clause 3 itself authorised the President to pass an order
removing or modifying parts of Article 370. The proviso stated that:

Provided that the recommendation of the Constituent Assembly of the State
referred to in clause (2) shall be necessary before the President issues
such a notification.

In other words, therefore, for Article 370 itself to be amended, the
recommendation of the Constituent Assembly of J&K was required. Now, the
Constituent Assembly of J&K ceased functioning in 1957. This has led to a
long-standing debate about whether Article 370 has effectively become
permanent (because there is no CA to give consent to its amendment),
whether it would require a revival of a J&K CA to amend it, or whether it
can be amended through the normal amending procedure under the Constitution.

C.O. 272, however, takes an entirely different path. C.O. 272 uses the
power of the President under Article 370(1) (see above), to indirectly
amend Article 370(3), via a third constitutional provision: Article 367.
Article 367 provides various guidelines about how the Constitution may be
interpreted. Now, C.O. 272 adds to Article 367 an additional clause, which
has four sub-clauses. Sub-clause 4 stipulates that “in proviso to clause
(3) of Article 370 of this Constitution, the expression ‘Constituent
Assembly of the State referred to in clause (2)” shall read “legislative
Assembly of the State.”

In other words, this is what has happened. Article 370(1) allows the
President – with the concurrence of the government of J&K (more on that in
a moment) – to amend or modify various provisions of the Constitution in
relation to J&K. Article 370(3) proviso states that Article 370 itself is
to be amended by the concurrence of the Constituent Assembly. C.O. 272,
therefore, uses the power under 370(1) to amend a provision of the
Constitution (Article 367) which, in turn, amends Article 370(3), and takes
out the Constituent Assembly’s concurrence for any further amendments to
Article 370. And this, in turn, becomes the trigger for the statutory
resolution, that recommends to the President the removal of (most of)
Article 370 (as the Constituent Assembly’s concurrence is no longer
required).

This is very clever. Is it legal? One serious objection is Article
370(1)(c). Article 370(1)(c) (unamended) stated that “notwithstanding
anything contained in this Constitution, the provisions of Article 1 and
this Article shall apply in relation to that State.” This is absolutely
crucial, because it makes clear that the power of the President to amend
provisions of the Constitution in relation to J&K does not extend to
Article 1 and “this Article”, i.e., Article 370 itself. 370(1)(d) makes it
even clearer where it refers to the “other provisions” of the Constitution
that may be altered by Presidential Order (and this is how the present
Presidential Order is different from previous ones, such as those that
introduced Article 35A). Article 370 itself, therefore, cannot be amended
by a Presidential Order such as C.O. 272 (the one exception was a
clarificatory amendment, which is not analogous to this one).

Now, it may be immediately objected that C.O. 272 does not amend Article
370: it amends Article 367. The point, however, is that the content of
those amendments do amend Article 370, and as the Supreme Court has held on
multiple occasions, you cannot do indirectly what you cannot do directly. I
would therefore submit that the legality of C.O. 272 – insofar as it amends
Article 370 – is questionable, and as that is at the root of everything, it
throws into question the entire exercise.

There is a second important point to be noted here. C.O. 272 says – as it
must – that the concurrence of the government of the state of Jammu and
Kashmir has been taken. However, Jammu and Kashmir has been under
President’s Rule for many months now. Consequently, actually, the consent
is that of the Governor. However, there are two serious problems with
basing C.O. 272 upon the consent of the Governor. The first is that the
Governor is a representative of the Central Government – like the
President. In effect, therefore, Presidential Order 272 amounts to the
Central Government taking its own consent to amend the Constitution.

There is, however, a more important issue. President’s Rule is temporary.
It is only meant to happen when constitutional machinery breaks down in a
state, and an elected government is impossible. President’s Rule is meant
to be a stand-in until the elected government is restored. Consequently,
decisions of a permanent character – such as changing the entire status of
a state – taken without the elected legislative assembly, but by the
Governor, are inherently problematic. Formally, they may be within the
bounds of legality; however, as the Supreme Court held in D.C. Wadhwa, on
the question of re-promulgation of Ordinances, formal legality can
nonetheless, in effect, amount to a fraud on the Constitution. Using the
Governor to sign off on a Presidential Order that fundamentally alters the
constitutional character of a federal unit appears, to me, to be straying
dangerously close to the constitutional fraud line.

For these two reasons, therefore – first, on the indirect amendment of
Article 370(3) proviso via 370(1), and secondly, on the use of the Governor
as a substitute for the elected assembly in a matter of this kind – I would
submit that there are serious legal and constitutional problems with
Presidential Order C.O. 272 – which, of course, forms the basis of both the
statutory resolution and the Reorganisation Bill.

II.
https://www.thehindubusinessline.com/news/jammu-and-kashmir-to-be-separate-union-territory/article28819858.ece

Centre scraps Article 370, bifurcates J&K into two Union Territories
Our Bureau  New Delhi | Updated on August 05, 2019  Published on August 05,
2019
2

Union Home Minister Amit Shah speaks in the Rajya Sabha.   -  PTI

Amit Shah announces the decision amid massive security build-up in the
State with all local leaders under house-arrest since Sunday night
In a staggering move on Monday, the BJP-led Government at the Centre
scrapped Article 370 giving special status to Jammu and Kashmir and
bifurcated the border state into two separate Union Territories – one for
Ladakh without a Legislative Assembly, and another for Jammu and Kashmir
with a legislative assembly with curtailed powers.

The Centre’s announcement follows a massive security build-up in the border
state and government advisories asking pilgrims to Amarnath Yatra and
tourists to leave Kashmir immediately. The State remains on edge with all
the top political leadership – former chief ministers Mehbooba Mufti, Omar
Abdullah, Farooq Abdullah and others – having been placed under house
arrest late on Sunday night and internet services to the State have been
snapped.

Also read: What is Article 370?

The BJP and its ideological affiliates hailed the step as “historic” and
“glorious” while in the Valley, there was eruption of rage with Mehbooba
Mufti describing it as “the darkest day in Indian democracy” which will
have “catastrophic consequences”.

Home Minister Amit Shah made the stunning announcement while introducing
two statutory resolutions in the Rajya Sabha  – the first which abrogated
Article 370 and the second that bifurcated the State and created two
separate Union Territories.

“The BJP is for national interest, Rule of Law and Constitution all over
India. Under the cover of Article 370, three families were looting Jammu
and Kashmir for decades. The Leader of Opposition (Ghulam Nabi Azad) said
Article 370 connected J&K to India. That is simply not true. Maharaja Hari
Singh signed J&K Instrument of Accession on 27 Oct 1947, Article 370 came
in 1954,” said Amit Shah in the Rajya Sabha amid uproar.

“The people of the State were not getting any benefits. The politicians
were promoting corruption. Article 370 was brought in with an understanding
that it will eventually be removed. But no political party had the will to
do it. The BJP has the will and the strength to do it,” said Shah.

The first statutory resolution moved in the Rajya Sabha advocates that
Parliament passes the public notification issued by the President of India
with regard to Article 370. It said, “In exercise of the powers conferred
by Clause (3) of Article 370 of the Constitution of India, the President,
on the recommendation of Parliament, is pleased to declare that as on 5 of
August, 2019, all clauses of the said Article 370 shall cease to be
operative except Clause (1) thereof…”

The second Resolution moved by the Home Minister concerned reorganisation
of the border state into two Union Territories.

“The Ladakh division of the state of Jammu and Kashmir has a large area but
is sparsely populated with a very difficult terrain. There has been a long
pending demand of the people of Ladakh to give it the status of Union
Territories to enable them to realise their aspirations. The Union
Territory of Ladakh will be without Legislature,” said the statement of
object for reorganisation of the State.

“Further, keeping in view the prevailing internal security situation,
fuelled by cross-border terrorism in the existing state of Jammu and
Kashmir, a separate Union Territory for Jammu and Kashmir is being created.
The Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir will be with legislature,” it
added.

Two PDP members physically removed from Rajya Sabha by marshals after they
tear copies of Indian Constitution. While the BSP supports government on
scrapping of Article 370 for Jammu & Kashmir.


Credits: Screenshot from BJP Spokesperson Syed Shahnawaz Hussain's tweet


Reactions
Black day in constitutional history of India: Chidambaram

Terming the revoking of Article 370 a “catastrophic step”, the Congress
accused the BJP of taking the decision “for votes” and said it marks a
“black day” in the constitutional history of India.

Reacting to the development, senior Congress leader and former home
minister P Chidambaram said, “We anticipated a misadventure, but did not
think in our wildest dreams that they will take such a catastrophic step.”

“Today is a black day in the constitutional history of India,” he said
outside Parliament. Senior Congress leader Ghulam Nabi Azad accused the BJP
of taking the decision “for votes”. He also alleged that the party is
playing with unity and integrity of the state.

Omar Abullah says it's betrayal of trust

Terming the government’s move on Article 370 “unilateral and shocking”,
former chief minister and National Conference leader Omar Abdullah said it
was a total “betrayal of trust” of the people of Jammu and Kashmir.

“Government of India (GOI)’s unilateral and shocking decisions today are a
total betrayal of the trust that the people of Jammu & Kashmir had reposed
in India when the state acceded to it in 1947. The decisions will have
far-reaching and dangerous consequences. This is an aggression against
people of the State as had been warned by an all-parties meeting in
Srinagar yesterday.

“GOI has resorted to deceit and stealth in recent weeks to lay the ground
for these disastrous decisions. Our darkest apprehensions have
unfortunately come true after the GOI and its representatives in J&K lied
to us that nothing major was planned,” he said.

He said that the announcement was made after the entire state, particularly
the Valley, was turned into a garrison. “Those of us who gave democratic
voice to the people of Jammu & Kashmir, are incarcerated as lakhs of armed
security personnel have been put on the ground.

“The scrapping of Articles 370 and 35A raise fundamental questions on the
state’s accession because that was done on the very terms enunciated in
these articles. The decisions are unilateral, illegal and unconstitutional
and will be challenged as such by the National Conference . A long and
tough battle lies ahead. We are ready for that,” he said.

Arun Jaitley says its monumental decision

BJP leader Arun Jaitley said the government’s move on Article 370 in Jammu
and Kashmir is a monumental decision towards national integration.

Asserting that separate status led to separatism, he said in a blog that no
dynamic nation could allow this situation to continue.

Complimenting Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah, he
said, “A historical wrong has been undone today. Article 35A came through
the back door without following the procedure under Article 368 of the
Constitution of India. It had to go.”

“The decision of the government will help the people of Jammu and Kashmir
the most. More investment, more industry, more private educational
institutions, more jobs and more revenue will come,” he said, adding that
Kashmir’s regional leaders now feel they would not be able to whip up the
fake issue of ‘sentiment verses benefit’.

Ram Madhav on Article 370

BJP leader Ram Madhav hailed the government’s decision on Article 370 in
Jammu and Kashmir and said the martyrdom of its idealogue Dr Shyama Prasad
Mukherjee for complete integration of the state into India has been
“honoured“.

The national general secretary and the party’s point person in the state
said that the complete integration of Jammu and Kashmir was a longstanding
demand of the nation. “What a glorious day. Finally the martyrdom of
thousands starting with Dr Shyam Prasad Mukherjee for complete integration
of J&K into Indian Union is being honoured and the seven decade old demand
of the entire nation being realised in front of our eyes; in our lifetime.
Ever imagined?” he tweeted moments after Home Minister Amit Shah made the
announcement in Parliament.

While speaking in the Rajya Sabha, Shah moved a resolution that all clauses
of Article 370 will not be applicable to the state. “PM @narendramodi ji ne
kamaal kar diya. Desh ki ummeedon pe khare utre. Many many congrats to
@narendramodi ji and @AmitShah ji on this historic decision regarding
#Article370. This has opened up the path of growth and development for
#JammuAndKashmir,” tweeted party spokesperson Shahnawaz Hussain

Mehaboba Mufti comments

Following the Home Minister’s announcement, ruckus was created in the
House. "Today marks darkest day in Indian democracy," Mehbooba Mufti said.
Want to disempower Muslims to the extent where they become second class
citizens in their own state, said Mufti.

Article 370 move will have catastrophic consequences for subcontinent, they
want territory of J&K by terrorising it’s people, she added.

Home Minister Amit Shah urged members of parliament to discuss the
legislation that seeks to end autonomous status for Muslim-majority
Kashmir, which allows only residents to buy property and hold state
government jobs.

Earlier, Home Minister Amit Shah had urged members of parliament to discuss
the legislation that seeks to end special status for the State, which
allows only residents to buy property and hold state government jobs.


Arun Jaitley
✔
@arunjaitley
 · 6h
Replying to @arunjaitley
A historical wrong has been undone today. Article 35A came through the back
door without following the procedure under Article 368 of the Constitution
of India. It had to go.


Arun Jaitley
✔
@arunjaitley
My complements to the Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi ji and the Home
Minister Shri Amit Shah for correcting a historical blunder.

14.1K
12:20 PM - Aug 5, 2019
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Subramanian Swamy
✔
@Swamy39
 So I am proved right. To abolish Art 370 we do not need a Constitutional
Amendment. Amit Shah has however informed Parliament by way of a Resolution
what President today has already notified. Art 370 died today. Collaterally
so Art 35 A

83.5K
11:33 AM - Aug 5, 2019
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Syed Shahnawaz Hussain
✔
@ShahnawazBJP
 · 7h
Replying to @ShahnawazBJP
So many people gave up their lives for complete integration of
#JammuAndKashmir in India, the foremost being Dr. SP Mukherjee. So many
Jawans died defending J&K from terrorists. This decision on #Article370 is
a befitting tribute to them all.


Syed Shahnawaz Hussain
✔
@ShahnawazBJP
#JammuAndKashmir  to be a Union Territory WITH legislature and #Ladakh to
be a Union Territory WITHOUT legislature : Union Home Minister Amit Shah
@AmitShah #BharatEkHai

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1,008
11:59 AM - Aug 5, 2019
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Arvind Kejriwal
✔
@ArvindKejriwal
 We support the govt on its decisions on J & K. We hope this will bring
peace and development in the state.

69.4K
1:05 PM - Aug 5, 2019
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What is Article 370

The Article 370 gives special status to the State of Jammu and Kashmir. It
allowed the State to have its own Constitution. Article 370 is a temporary
provision in the Constitution and Article 35A, which gives special rights
to the natives of the state, was added through a Constitution order issued
by the President of India.

Published on August 05, 2019
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Peace Is Doable

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