[While there's every reason to believe that the BJP attracts more electoral
support at the national level than at the states, there's no point
pretending that the last general election was not a Pulwama-Balakot driven
poll.

At least, the BJP is well aware of it.
Hence, at one level, the drives to wipe out all opposition - both party and
non-party, by employing various methods including the most blatant use of
the CBI, ED etc.
At another, foregrounding of the NRC, CAB, Kashmir etc. The Ram Mandir
construction is likely to be added in due course. To replicate the
Pulwama-Balakot effect and make it perpetual.

So, there's a fundamental difference between the nature of the dominance by
the Congress during the early decades and the emergent scenario.
We'll overlook that only at our great peril.

In the same vein, as regards the "Emergency", utterly abominable negation
of "democracy" as it was, had not been driven by any long-term agenda of
"Hindu Rashtra" - denuded of any vestiges of substantive democracy and
pluralism, or whatever.
It was a response to a conjunctural threat to the personal position of Mrs.
Indira Gandhi.
The moment she felt, rather wrongly as it'd soon turn out, it receded,
she'd withdraw it herself, under no palpable external pressure.

Things are very different this time.
A sinister project is under way.]

https://scroll.in/article/945092/shaky-hegemony-the-bjp-seems-unable-to-replicate-its-national-dominance-at-the-state-level?fbclid=IwAR3IHMa3d428_7bcdny_8RAp2sDLGpkFe_ZiuOZxh-zFewZOZeCHuq3_CHI

Shaky hegemony: The BJP seems unable to replicate its national dominance at
the state level
Unlike the Congress till 1989, the BJP has been unable to completely sweep
state elections.
Shaky hegemony: The BJP seems unable to replicate its national dominance at
the state level

4 hours ago
Shoaib Daniyal

May 23 saw Narendra Modi make history by becoming the first non-Congress
prime minister to be re-elected. Not only that, the Bharatiya Janata Party
became the first non-Congress formation to get back-to-back majorities in
the Lok Sabha. The party won an impressive 37.4% of the vote, up by 6
percentage points from 2014.

The result ushered in a new age in Indian politics, with the BJP firmly
installed as its central pole, much as the Congress had been till the 1980s.

Yet, only six months after this election, the BJP has shown poor results in
the state elections of Haryana and Maharashtra. While it was able to form a
government in Haryana thanks to support from another party, in Maharashtra,
its chief minister Devendra Fadnavis gave way to a coalition of the
Congress, Nationalist Congress Party and the Shiv Sena.

That the BJP is India’s most dominant party is without doubt. Yet, as these
results show, this dominance does not come without wrinkles.

States versus Centre
To better understand the BJP’s shaky dominance, have a look at a map of
India’s states.

[Map]
Credit: Nithya Subramanian

The BJP is currently the ruling party in 17 states – a fairly substantial
number. However, more context is added when we look at the major states
(population more than 20 lakh). In this list, the BJP’s tally falls to just
eight out of 18 major states. Out of these eight, the BJP holds the chief
minister’s chair in six. Coalition members from the National Democratic
Alliance occupy the chief minister’s post in Bihar and Tamil Nadu.

The BJP and its coalition partners rule a little over a half of India’s
population – 51% – using state governments.

Scroll.in also looked at the BJP’s performance in assembly elections that
were held close to the Lok Sabha elections. We took major state polls in
2018 and 2019 and compared them to how BJP did in those states in the May
2019 Lok Sabha elections.

[Bar Chart]
Credit: Nithya Subramanian

A clear pattern emerges. The BJP did much better in national elections than
in state elections. Across seven elections in 2018 and 2019, the BJP’s Lok
Sabha performance outstripped its state performance. In some cases, the gap
was stark. In Telangana, the BJP’s Lok Sabha vote share was nearly three
times is Assembly tally. In Haryana, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, Madhya
Pradesh and Karnataka, the ratio was 1.5X in favour of the Lok Sabha vote
share.

Shaky dominance
According to Milan Vaishnav of the Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace think tank, the BJP’s rise since 2014 represents a new configuration
in Indian politics. The first electoral configuration existed from 1952 to
1967 and featured unquestioned Congress dominance at both the Centre and in
the states. From 1967 to 1989, the Congress was still dominant at the
Centre but faced growing competition at the state level. From 1989 to 2014,
India saw the age of coalitions – a federal system where there was no
central pole and parties had to use coalitions to capture power.

Since 2014, once the BJP won a majority in the Lok Sabha and Modi became
prime minister, Vaishnav argues, “India is in the midst of a new,
dominant-party system”.

However, while the BJP might be dominant, its dominance is still some
distance away from the Congress’s till 1989. “While there are some
parallels between Indira Gandhi and Modi, there are also big differences,”
explained political scientist and former professor at Savitribai Phule
University, Suhash Palshikar. “At multiple moments in her career, Gandhi
managed to control nearly all states. But Modi has never even come close.”

The Modi factor
What explains the gap in the BJP’s performance at the states and at the
Centre? Palshikar explains that one reason could be that the voter is now
more ready to try split-ticket voting: differentiating parties and
candidates depending on whether it is a state or national elections. “The
second reason could be that Assembly elections have many more players which
naturally lead to a smaller vote share for a national party,” said
Palshikar. “And the third is that the issues Modi raises – such as Hindu
nationalism or national security – work better at the nation level over the
state level.”

Rahul Verma, a political scientist with the thinktank Centre for Policy
Research stresses that the BJP is still India’s dominant pole, even if the
party no longer controls as many states it ruled in 2018. Verma explains
the gap between the BJP’s national and state performance with the central
role played by Modi’s image in the BJP’s performance. “At the Central level
there is no one to match Modi and his persona,” explained Verma. “However,
at the state level, the BJP leadership is often challenged by dynamic
politicians leading regional outfits.”
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