As it appears, there's (still unresolved) tension within the NCP.
Its just concluded top-tier meeting in Delhi, however, has, apparently, put
a brake on Pawar's move to align closely with Mamata in order to ditch the
Congress.
Not, to be sure, driven by any commitment to any high principle but the
obvious fact that it's going to put the MVA government in Maharashtra in
jeopardy where the NCP has a dy. chief minister, home minister and also a
few other ministers. That prospect must be too unpalatable to the
second-rung leadership.

Quite possibly, it's, broadly, the same reason that made Sena leader Sanjay
Raut rush to Delhi to meet Rahul and Priyanka. Looks like, Rahul has agreed
to visit Mumbai in very near future and meet Uddhav Thackeray to, inter
alia, shore up the defence of the MVA government.
Sena has the highest stake in the survival of the government.

If not just pure ideological but such practical considerations are likely
to deter also the DMK and the JMM.
Most likely the RJD as well, despite its (intensifying?) tussle with its
largest partner at the ground level while the second largest partner is
expected to play a stabilising role.
The Left has its own problems with the Congress, but that very much pales
in comparison with that with the TMC.
Neither the AAP, nor even the BSP, is expected to partner with the TMC.
The JD(S) and SP have hardly anything to gain, or lose, from an alliance
with the TMC, but may, nevertheless, provide the satisfaction of spiting
the Congress; but, the SP, in particular, faces the threat of erosion in
its anti-BJP credentials and thereby Muslims votes - on which it's
critically dependent and the JD(S) may actually gain significantly from an
alliance with the Congress.

So, the remaining players that count are those not in any formal alliance
with the BJP and yet maintain a rather cosy relationship - at the Centre,
despite contests at the respective state levels: BJD, YSRCP and TRS.
And, it is these potential allies that brings the real essence of Mamata's
passionate drive for the "opposition leadership" out in the open.
PK is, all said and done, a businessperson and selling a dangerous and,
potentially, ruinous dream to a greedy and, thereby, somewhat credulous
Mamata.

Here, it'd be quite pertinent to reiterate that apart from the pan-India
spread and current numerical strength, the Congress is the lone political
outfit - barring, to a limited extent, the much weakened Left, that's
waging a relentless campaign - even if as yet not too effective, on
virtually all issues against the evil force in power, very much in the
process of overturning "India" alongwith its (fast fading) "democratic" and
pluralistic essence.

I/III.
<<Sharad Pawar's close confidante, Praful Patel, did make certain
statements yesterday that could be misconstrued. After the meeting of the
NCP's working committee, he said, "(Our) Leaders have agreed to work with
like-minded parties for the coming elections...we will work with Mamata
Banerjee." But any inference that Sharad Pawar is ready to jettison the
Congress is more a flight of one's imagination rather than sound political
analysis. Sharad Pawar knows that for his party to survive, the Maharashtra
government must do so as well. And that can only happen if the Congress and
he continue to work together in harmony.>>

(Excerpted from: <
https://www.ndtv.com/opinion/mamata-banerjee-hits-a-wall-with-sharad-pawar-and-sena-2642135
>.)

II/III.
<<Obviously, both parties [i.e. Shiv Sena and NCP] are mindful that the MVA
government in Maharashtra cannot function without Congress support. DMK
chief MK Stalin is also unlikely to join the Mamata as PM pitch given the
successful pre-poll alliance he has crafted with Congress. RJD’s Lalu Yadav
or JMM’s Heman Soren may also not be in a hurry to dump Congress. However,
Mamata may have better luck with those regional parties opposed to Congress
like BJD, SP, YSRCP and TRS.>>

(Excerpted from: <
https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/blogs/toi-editorials/reality-checks-for-mamatas-opposition-unity-project/
>.)

III. For an interesting counterview - quite significantly, based
essentially on (somewhat contrived) anti-Congressism:

<<The case for Mamata Banerjee is as follows. The present BJP poses an
existential threat to the Republic on two major fronts. The first is the
matter of whether India's 200 million Muslims will be allowed to live as
equal citizens in social and political practice as well as law, whether the
constitutional vision of India as a home to all will survive. The second is
an intensified version of the threat posed by Indira Gandhi in the 1970s:
of the crippling of republican institutions by the identification of the
Republic with a single individual.

Few if any contemporary politicians have fought Hindutva with as much
success as Banerjee. Unlike the vast majority of her Opposition
peers-including the Congress' present leadership - she led anti-CAA/NRC
rallies herself. Even if this were her only qualification, it could not be
dismissed. On the second point, Banerjee is on weak ground. The only
counter that can be offered to her record of authoritarian Caesarism is
that she could not act in Delhi, as the head of a coalition, as she does in
Kolkata.
...
A Congress which has consecutively won fewer than 10% of Lok Sabha seats,
and which has exactly 10% of India's Chief Ministers, cannot claim
Opposition leadership by right. At the state level, the Congress has been
increasingly willing to take on the role of junior partner, including in
states where it is the historically dominant party (Maharashtra,
Karnataka), in the short-term quest of denying the BJP power. In Kerala,
the central leadership have tacitly consented to an arrangement in which
the Congress does not vigorously contest state elections, and in turn wins
a reliable majority of Lok Sabha seats.

In practice, Congress leadership of the Opposition means Gandhi leadership,
which means a contest that Narendra Modi and a pliant media are allowed to
define in presidential terms. It means a contest this country has run twice
already. Those who think it will go differently a third or fourth or fifth
time are confusing the country they think they ought to live in with the
one they actually do.

On one plausible reading of Banerjee and Kishor's tactics, they care
nothing for Opposition unity, or the threat to the Republic posed by BJP
hegemony. Like the Aam Aadmi Party, they see the Congress ceding political
space and see no reason why they shouldn't claim it. On another - more
applicable to Kishor than Banerjee - these are attempts to force change in
the Congress, or force the country to move on from the paradigm of "BJP
versus Congress". Either way, in a democracy, with no individual or party
entitled to leadership, and the Congress unwilling or unable to lead, what
are they really guilty of? Ambition. To accuse a politician of ambition is
like accusing a giraffe of having a long neck.>>

(Excerpted from: <
https://www.ndtv.com/opinion/mamata-banerjee-pk-vs-congress-is-much-needed-keshava-guha-2642228
>.)

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