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          PAS : KE ARAH PEMERINTAHAN ISLAM YANG ADIL
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The Prime Minister rejects an extra cabinet post for the MCA;  just
because it did well in November is no reason why it should;  after all,
when it did badly, as in 1990, its quota was not reduced.  Well and
good.  A statement that had to be made when such featherbedding demands
are made.  It angered many the MCA had the temerity to demand an
additional cabinet seat.  But the MCA President, who awaits public
resurgence so that he can stay on well past his shelf life as transport
minister, says the MCA made no official or unofficial request for it.
But lying is inherent in Malaysian political explanations.  The prime
minister said he had received Dato' Seri Ling Liong Sik's resignation,
had known about it for five days, Dr Ling says he resigns, sent in his
resignation, has not, would attend cabinet this morning, may resign
then, but then maybe not.  This culture of lying to Malaysians is inborn

in Malaysia's political culture.  The Prime Minister told any who would
listen that his relations with He Who Must Be Destroyed At All Cost was
excellent only days before he was peremptorily dismissed in September
1998.  The UMNO president cannot be trusted to tell the truth, over a
simple matter of whether one of his cabinet ministers have resigned.
The MCA president similarly believes he can lie to remain in office.
The newspapers and official media, ever ready to fall in line, spin
these webs of untruths to turn it into an irrelevantly framed political
crisis.

     The National Front presumes Malaysians are there to vote it in, and

then be led by it, preferably by the nose.  But the ground shifts.  The
Malaysian now resents being reduced to morons who would believe anything

the mainstream and official media spit out.  He wants consultation not
orders he must follow without question.  The MCA conundrum is discussed
as the inevitable desire of a long serving leader to make way for new
blood.  But the leader had no intention to give way.  Superficial and
irrelevant reasons are given, without addressing why the MCA
presidential council, a creature of its president, revolted, wanted his
resignation and then appealed for non-Chinese support.  The underlying
message, that despite internal problems, all of which are revealed only
at something divisive as this, the commitment to national and political
unity remains supreme, is a mantra to be repeated oft at times like
these.  Any old saw will keep the natives lobotomised.  The National
Front, by long inexperience, forgets how to keep the peodple informed.

     The prevailing political culture, with its enveloping veneer of
authoritarian democracy, underpins this attitude and approach.  This is
not about to go away, but when the regime is in shell shock, as now, the

people rebel.  The political uncertainties under a Prime Minister who
controls the government as firmly and autocratically as he does
challenge his worldview with a venegeance.  Up to now, this was confined

to the Malay community, the Chinese and Indians preferring to watch from

the sidelines.  But Dr Ling's predicament must worry the other National
Front leaders, all having outlived their political shelf life, clings
on, strengthened by the questionable support of the Prime Minister.  As
Dr Ling finds out, when the chips are down, out you go.  It is now
argued that that should he leave, the MCA's president, deputy president
and secretary-general are out of the cabinet.  That is a failure of
leadership.  The MCA should have established an orderly pattern for its
cabinet ministers to retire in rotation to bring in new blood, this
problem would have been obviated.  Instead, all National Front parties
depend on their president to bring home the bacon, though with time that

comes to the leaders' homes than the communities they represent.

     UMNO's cultural confusion does not help.  Pressure builds upon the
Prime Minister in ways the outsider cannot see.  This in turn makes UMNO

to be pro-Malay to a degree that pressures the National Front party
leaders.  Dr Ling's plea for Prime Ministerial help, when all is said
and done, is akin to holding on to a drowning man's legs.  Previous
presidents, Dato' Neo Yee Pan, for instance, behaved as Dr Ling now:
when the bubble burst, he retreated into political anonymity.  But Dr
Neo did not have the questionable financial baggage Dr Ling is hoist
with.  Dr Ling assumes he can ride roughshod over the MCA to cling to
office.  He now says even if he resigns as transport minister, he
remains MCA president till 2002.  But he cannot.  With his wings
clipped, the MCA would only drift aimlessly, as it has in the past when
leaders refuse to go and are then forced out.  So much for looking after

the community's interest.

     When the leader is forced to resign, he clings on, insisting the
people want him to.  The crisis is sidelined, the manufactured crisis
succeeding it portrays mayhem and confusion should he be forced out, as
now.  At no time could the party establish itself other than as the
creature of its president.  This runs through almost every political
party in the country, and ensures why the denouement when it comes is so

dramatic and violent, the party threatening to split, and hopelessly
divided.  When a political party leader remains at the helm for too
long, self-interest dictates.  In Malaysia, the children, with no
business experience, build business empires on debt, sustained so long
as their fathers are in office.  His son's business empire threatens to
crumble should he resign.  With blood thicker than water, he must stay
on.  But need this be in an atmosphere of halftruths and outright lies?

M.G.G. Pillai
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