http://www.hindustantimes.com/comment/analysis/growth-is-not-a-victim-of-the-upa-it-is-the-other-way-round/article1-1203541.aspx

Growth is not a victim of the UPA, it is the other way round
*Maitreesh Ghatak and Parikshit Ghosh
<http://www.hindustantimes.com/Search/search.aspx?q=Maitreesh%20Ghatak%20and%20Parikshit%20Ghosh&op=auth>*
April 02, 2014

If the opinion polls are to be believed, the UPA is facing a rout in the
coming Lok Sabha elections. One explanation, popular in the media, goes
something like this: The UPA faces voter wrath because it destroyed growth.
The economy has paid a price for bad governance and expensive welfare
schemes. If you look at data for the last two years, this view will find
some support. The growth rate has halved, the fiscal deficit has doubled,
the rupee suffered a steep decline last summer, and the overall economic
mood seems bleak.

  If you look at data for the last 10 years, and compare with corresponding
figures from the NDA days (1998-2004), you may be in for a surprise. Under
the UPA, growth accelerated, the stock market boomed, Indians saved and
invested more, money poured into building infrastructure and foreign direct
investment went through the roof. The 2008 financial crisis reached these
shores like any other, but the economy recovered quickly, and continued on
its high growth path for another two years.

Make no mistake, the Congress has dropped the ball politically -- its
leadership crisis is apparent to anyone who is paying attention. On the
policy front too, it has made serious mistakes. But this article is not
about politics or policy, it is about results. Whether aided by fortune or
skill, the UPA presided over one of the strongest decades for the Indian
economy. This fact is getting drowned in the drumbeat of the elections. The
truth is often the first casualty of politics.

[image:
http://www.hindustantimes.com/Images/popup/2014/4/maitresh_graph1.gif]

The table above presents some key economic indicators for the NDA and the
UPA years. All figures are average annual rates. India's GDP grew at nearly
6% per year on average under the NDA, accelerated to 8% under UPA 1 and has
slipped back to 7% under UPA 2. On the whole, the economy grew 1.5
percentage points faster under the UPA than under the NDA.

If we compare India's growth rates over the last two decades alongside
China's and the world's, we will find that we have always been somewhere in
between with very similar fluctuations (see figure 1). In an age of
globalisation, attributing the ups and downs of national economies entirely
to the wisdom or folly of those in power is a mistake.

[image:
http://www.hindustantimes.com/Images/popup/2014/4/maitresh_graph2.gif]

Nevertheless, India grew 2.5 percentage points faster than the world as a
whole during the NDA, which has increased to about 3.5 percentage points
under the UPA. The UPA leadership can claim some credit for increasing the
growth lead.

The stock market also boomed after the UPA came to power (see figure 3).
The index grew at nearly 6% during the NDA years, but jumped to 14 -15%
under the UPA. Even if one takes into account the higher inflation of those
years, stocks gained much more in real terms under the UPA than under the
NDA. If history is their guide, Dalal Street and India Inc. should be
throwing their weight behind the incumbent in the coming general elections.

The story of the deficit and the rupee that one hears these days, like the
growth story, draws on short-term memory. The increase in subsidies under
the UPA has been offset by cuts in defence spending. Adjusted for the size
of the economy, the fiscal deficit today is where it was during the NDA
years (between 5 and 6% of GDP). People expect better only because the UPA
had steadily reduced it to 2.5% over its first term before the financial
crisis of 2008 (and not the launch of MGNREGs in 2006) caused a sharp
spike. The rupee has slid in nominal terms but not so much in real terms,
but inflation has been admittedly higher under the UPA (see table).

[image:
http://www.hindustantimes.com/Images/popup/2014/4/maitresh_graph3.gif]

To understand what really went wrong (and right) under the UPA, we must
focus on two significant developments during its tenure, both of which
should shred its reputation as being lukewarm towards markets and growth.
There was a surge in FDI, and investment in infrastructure picked up with
the infusion of private capital and public-private-partnership projects.

Annual FDI inflows into India went from an average of $2.9 billion during
the NDA's rule to $26.2 billion under UPA 2, nearly a 10-fold increase.
According to Planning Commission figures, spending on infrastructure went
up from around 5% of GDP annually under the NDA to 7-8% underthe UPA, even
though public spending remained roughly the same. A traditionally
state-dominated sector was opened up to private enterprise and even foreign
funds to boost growth.

If you remember some of the mega scams that hit the UPA (2G, Coalgate),
they involve the entry of private capital into sectors like power,
minerals, telecom and construction. In Transparency International's
corruption perception index, India's average rank slipped from 75th to 85th
as the UPA took over from the NDA.

The government was unable (or unwilling) to give up its culture of
discretionary decision making and opt for a culture of transparency -- open
bidding, rational pricing and clear rules of allocation. Even as
infrastructure fed growth and laid the foundations of future prosperity, it
produced massive amounts of ill-begotten wealth. Land acquisition became
both an obstacle for industries and a source of farmers' agitations.

The idea that the UPA's populist pro-poor welfare schemes busted the budget
and stopped the growth engine is a myth. Growth is not a victim of the UPA,
it is the other way round. The ruling party was unable to handle the stress
and inequities it generated. It didn't suppress growth, it let it run amok.

Autocratic, Superman-style swift governance that is cosy with big business
is hardly the answer. Nor an anti-corruption crusade that shoots first and
asks questions later. The principal opposition parties have harvested the
disaffection very well but offer development dreams and demagoguery more
than solutions. As India goes to the polls, voters have reasons to throw
out the Congress but hardly a better alternative.

*Maitreesh Ghatak is professor of economics, London School of Economics,
and Parikshit Ghosh is associate professor of economics, Delhi School of
Economics*

*The views expressed by the authors are personal*
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