Indonesia: Tracing a path towards parliament

By Kelik Ismunanto

November 29, 2008 -- After such a long period of time in a vacuum,
uncertain of how to respond to changes caused by neoliberal economic
policies, little by little, democracy movement activists have been
able to wrest back the political podium.

In the last few months, several national television stations provided
a political stage for activists such as Dita Sari, Budiman Sujatmiko,
Pius Lustrilanang and other young activists who are contesting the
2009 elections, to explain their reasons for choosing the
parliamentary tactic.

Among young activists, there are opinions in favour and against this
tactic.

Many activists have longed to fill the available political stage with
their fresh ideas and concepts as a solution to the Indonesian
nation's problems. This longing has found a place to rest with the
candidature of several activists.

Electoral tactic

The candidature of several activists was debated on TV screens. These
include Dita, a leader of the People's Democratic Party (PRD), under
the banner of the Star Reform Party (PBR), as well as Budiman via the
Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP) and Pius through Gerindra.

Cynicism and mockery at the positions taken by Dita, Budiman and Pius,
levelled by ex-comrades from the student movement of the 1990s,
questions the effectiveness of the parliamentary tactic taken by
[those]  attempting to propel forward a mass popular movement — to a
movement of the mass of people who are more and more thrown on the
scrapheap of poverty.

The fact that today Indonesians are deprived of more and more of their
basic rights as citizens and that the state is completely abrogating
its duties to guarantee the welfare of the people helps to create
cynicism among activists towards the state and its institutions such
as parliament.

This is also because of past experience, where activists have entered
parliament and promptly forgotten what they were fighting for, as if a
line has been drawn between the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary
movements, that somehow these two movements are fundamentally opposed
and separate.

This might be true based on recent experiences, but if we look back
through history and the experiences of other nations, let's say that
of Malaysia, such an assumption or prejudice is wrong.

In Malaysia, the combination and synergy between the parliamentary and
extra-parliamentary movements were able to open up the democratic
space that had been monopolised by the ruling party.

Post-1998

If we look back to the fall of the Suharto dictatorship in 1998, the
democracy movement fragmented while the fake reformists were able to
consolidate themselves.

Political elites and former bureaucrats in Suharto's New Order regime
were able to seize back the legal political space, for example through
the setting up of new political parties or gaining other public positions.

Meanwhile, the democracy movement became more fragmented in various
institutions, and activists became entrapped within the activities of
each respective institution. Of course, part of the changes had to do
with the fact that movement activists were getting older, with new
challenges to face — such as having families to feed — and leaving
behind the world of student politics.

Meanwhile the life of the people, who had been the driving force of
the movement, was more and more destroyed by market economy policies
implemented by successive post-Suharto governments.

The role of the state, which had in the past been able to ameliorate
the effects of the global economy, is disappearing more and more. The
role of providing regulation and protection that was still able to be
performed by the Suharto regime began to be cast aside by policies
forced on Indonesia by institutions such as the International Monetary
Fund and the World Bank.

Indonesia's natural resource wealth was more and more depleted thanks
to the antics of the political elite and foreign corporations.

Farmers who sell on the open market scream at the kind of prices being
paid for their products. Workers are facing a bleak future thanks to
policies of outsourcing; the cost of education and health care rises
and rises because of the withdrawal of subsidies.

These are recent problems that are growing acute, problems that didn't
taken on such massive dimensions under Suharto.

Ten years since the fall of Suharto and the height of the student
reform movement, the movement has been at a loss in responding to
sociological changes and consciousness of the masses that have been
the result of the intensifying effects of the free market economy.

Activists have failed in formulating a concept of the basic problems
confronting society today that could be the basis of a common
platform. The parliamentary option chosen by some of the 1998
activists is a tactic aimed at a breakthrough to pierce the stagnation
of the movement.

It has been shown that the important task of wresting back the
people's economic and social rights cannot be achieved simply through
an extra-parliamentary movement. Parliament is the main edifice that
needs to fortify the people against the ferocity of the free market.

To demarcate between parliamentary and extra-parliamentary roads is
not the right solution for building the people's movement.

As was explained by Dita Sari on television recently, the
extra-parliamentary movement needs parliament to formalise the program
they are struggling for.

Similarly, those who sit in parliament as genuine people's
representatives need those on the outside to pressure the entire
parliament to act in the interests of the people, to respond to their
needs.

A synergy between the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary sections
of the movement is of absolute necessity.

[This article was published in the Indonesia newspaper Solo Pos on
October 27, 2008. It was translated by Vannessa Hearman for Green Left
Weekly. Kelik Ismunanto is a PRD leader and a former 1990s student
activist.] 


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