salam alaikum,

This is a timely and bold call by Tariq Ramadan to have the discussion on 
Corporal
punishment, stoning and death penalty in the Islamic world. Various websites,
including islamicity.com, islamonline and Tariq ramadan's own site has a lot of
discussion going on in this topic. 

Maqsud

An International call for Moratorium on corporal punishment, stoning and the 
death
penalty in the Islamic World

Wednesday 30th March 2005, by Tariq Ramadan
http://www.islamicity.com/forum/forum_posts.asp?TID=341&PN=1&TPN=1
 
Muslim majority societies and Muslims around the world are constantly confronted
with the fundamental question of how to implement the penalties prescribed in 
the
Islamic penal code. 

Evoking the notion of shari'a, or more precisely hudud[1], the terms of the 
debate
are defined by central questions emerging from thought provoking discussions 
taking
place between ulama' (scholars) and/or Muslim masses: How to be faithful to the
message of Islam in the contemporary era? How can a society truly define itself 
as
"Islamic" beyond what is required in the daily practices of individual private 
life?
But a critical and fruitful debate has not yet materialized. 

Several currents of thought exist in the Islamic world today and disagreements 
are
numerous, deep and recurring. Among these, a small minority demands the 
immediate
and strict application of hudud, assessing this as an essential prerequisite to
truly defining a "Muslim majority society" as "Islamic". Others, while 
accepting the
fact that the hudud are indeed found in the textual references (the Qur'an and 
the
Sunna[2]), consider the application of hudud to be conditional upon the state 
of the
society which must be just and, for some, has to be "ideal" before these 
injunctions
could be applied. Thus, the priority is the promotion of social justice, 
fighting
against poverty and illiteracy etc. Finally, there are others, also a minority, 
who
consider the texts relating to hudud as obsolete and argue that these references
have no place in contemporary Muslim societies. 

One can see the opinions on this subject are so divergent and entrenched that it
becomes difficult to discern what the respective arguments are. At the very 
moment
we are writing these lines- while serious debate is virtually non-existent, 
while
positions remain vague and even nebulous, and consensus among Muslims is 
lacking-
women and men are being subjected to the application of these penalties. 

For Muslims, Islam is a message of equality and justice. It is our faithfulness 
to
the message of Islam that leads us to recognize that it impossible to remain 
silent
in the face of unjust applications of our religious references. The debate must
liberate itself and refuse to be satisfied by general, timid and convoluted
responses. These silences and intellectual contortions are unworthy of the 
clarity
and just message of Islam. 

In the name of the scriptural sources, the Islamic teachings, and the 
contemporary
Muslim conscience, statements must be made and decisions need to be taken.

What does the majority of the ulama' say?

All the ulama' (scholars) of the Muslim world, of yesterday and of today and in 
all
the currents of thought, recognize the existence of scriptural sources that 
refer to
corporal punishment (Qur'an and Sunna), stoning of adulterous men and women 
(Sunna)
and the penal code (Qur'an and Sunna). The divergences between the ulama' and 
the
various trends of thought (literalist, reformist, rationalist, etc.) are 
primarily
rooted in the interpretation of a certain number of these texts, the conditions 
of
application of the Islamic penal code, as well as its degree of relevance to the
contemporary era (nature of the committed infractions, testimonials, social and
political contexts, etc.). 
The majority of the ulama', historically and today, are of the opinion that 
these
penalties are on the whole Islamic but that the conditions under which they 
should
be implemented are nearly impossible to reestablish. These penalties, 
therefore, are
"almost never applicable". The hudud would, therefore, serve as a "deterrent," 
the
objective of which would be to stir the conscience of the believer to the 
gravity of
an action warranting such a punishment.

Anyone who reads the books of the ulama', listens to their lectures and sermons,
travels inside the Islamic world or interacts with the Muslim communities of the
West will inevitably and invariably hear the following pronouncement from 
religious
authorities: "almost never applicable". Such pronouncements give the majority of
ulama and Muslim masses a way out of dealing with the fundamental issues and
questions without risking appearing to be have betrayed the Islamic scriptural
sources. The alternative posture is to avoid the issue of hudud altogether 
and/or to
remain silent. 

What is happening on the ground? 

One would have hoped that this pronouncement, "almost never," would be 
understood as
a assurance that women and men would be protected from repressive and unjust
treatment; one would have wished that the stipulated conditions would be seen, 
by
legislators and government who claim Islam, as an imperative to promote equality
before the law and justice among humans. Nothing could be further from the 
reality. 

Behind an Islamic discourse that minimizes the reality and rounds off the 
angles,
and within the shadows of this "almost never", lurks a somber reality where 
women
and men are punished, beaten, stoned and executed in the name of hudud while 
Muslim
conscience the world over remains untouched. 

It is as if one does not know, as though a minor violation is being done to the
Islamic teachings. A still more grave injustice is that these penalties are 
applied
almost exclusively to women and the poor, the doubly victimized, never to the
wealthy, the powerful, or the oppressors. Furthermore, hundreds of prisoners 
have no
access to anything that could even remotely be called defense counsel. Death
sentences are decided and carried out against women, men and even minors 
(political
prisoners, traffickers, delinquents, etc.) without ever given a chance to obtain
legal counsel. In resigning ourselves to having a superficial relationship to 
the
scriptural sources, we betray the message of justice of Islam.

The international community has an equally major and obvious responsibility to 
be
involved in addressing the question of hudud in the Muslim world. Thus far, the
denunciations have been selective and calculated for the protection of 
geostrategic
and economic interests. A poor country, in Africa or Asia, trying to apply the 
hudud
or the shari'a will face the mobilization of international campaigns as we have 
seen
recently. This is not the case with rich countries, the petromonarchies and 
those
considered "allies". Towards the latter, denunciations are made reluctantly, or 
not
at all, despite ongoing and acknowledged applications of these penalties 
typically
carried out against the poorest or weakest segments of society. The intensity 
of the
denouncements is inversely proportional to the interests at stake. A further
injustice!
The passion of the people, the fear of the ulama' 

For those who travel within the Islamic world and interact with Muslims, an 
analysis
imposes itself: everywhere, populations are demonstrating an increasing 
devotion to
Islam and its teachings. This reality, although interesting in itself, could be
troubling, and even dangerous when the nature of this devotion is so fervent, 
where
there is no real knowledge or comprehension of the texts, where there is so 
little
if any critical distance vis-à-vis the different scholarly interpretations, the
necessary contextualization, the nature of the required conditions or, indeed 
the
protection of the rights of the individual and the promotion of justice. 

On the question of hudud, one sometimes sees popular support hoping or exacting 
a
literal and immediate application because the latter would guarantee henceforth 
the
"Islamic" character of a society. In fact, it is not rare to hear Muslim women 
and
men (educated or not, and more often of modest means) calling for a formal and
strict application of the penal code (in their mind, the shari'a) of which they
themselves will often be the first victims. When one studies this phenomenon, 
two
types of reasoning generally motivate these claims:

The literal and immediate application of the hudud legally and socially 
provides a
visible reference to Islam. The legislation, by its harshness, gives the 
feeling of
fidelity to the Qur'anic injunctions that demands rigorous respect of the text. 
At
the popular level, one can infer in the African, Arabic, Asian as well as 
Western
countries, that the very nature of this harshness and intransigence of the
application, gives an Islamic dimension to the popular psyche. 

The opposition and condemnations by the West supplies, paradoxically, the 
popular
feeling of fidelity to the Islamic teachings; a reasoning that is antithetical,
simple and simplistic. The intense opposition of the West is sufficient proof 
of the
authentic Islamic character of the literal application of hudud. Some will 
persuade
themselves by asserting that the West has long since lost its moral references 
and
became so permissive that the harshness of the Islamic penal code which punishes
behaviors judged immoral, is by antithesis, the true and only alternative "to
Western decadence". 

These formalistic and binary reasoning are fundamentally dangerous for they 
claim
and grant an Islamic quality to a legislation, not in what it promotes, 
protects and
applies justice to, but more so because it sanctions harsh and visible 
punishment to
certain behaviors and in stark contrast and opposition to the Western laws, 
which
are perceived as morally permissive and without a reference to religion[3]. One 
sees
today that communities or Muslim people satisfy themselves with this type of
legitimacy to back a government or a party that calls for an application of the
shari'a narrowly understood as a literal and immediate application of corporal
punishment, stoning and the death penalty. 

When this type of popular passion takes hold, it is the first sign of a will to
respond to various forms of frustration and humiliation by asserting an identity
that perceives itself as Islamic (and anti-Western). Such an identity is not 
based
on the comprehension of the objectives of the Islamic teachings (al maqasid) or 
the
different interpretations and conditions relating to the application of the 
hudud. 

Faced with this passion, many ulama' remain prudent for the fear of losing their
credibility with the masses. One can observe a psychological pressure exercised 
by
this popular sentiment towards the judicial process of the ulama', which 
normally
should be independent so as to educate the population and propose alternatives.
Today, an inverse phenomenon is revealing itself. The majority of the ulama' are
afraid to confront these popular and simplistic claims which lack knowledge, are
passionate and binary, for fear of losing their status and being defined as 
having
compromised too much, not been strict enough, too westernized or not Islamic 
enough.


The ulama', who should be the guarantors of a deep reading of the texts, the
guardians of fidelity to the objectives of justice and equality and of the 
critical
analysis of conditions and social contexts, find themselves having to accept 
either
a formalistic application (an immediate non-contextualized application), or a 
binary
reasoning (less West is more Islam), or hide behind "almost never applicable"
pronouncements which protects them but which does not provide real solutions to 
the
daily injustices experienced by women and the poor. 
An impossible status quo: our responsibility

The Islamic world is experiencing a very deep crisis the causes of which are
multiple and sometimes contradictory. The political system of the Arab world is
becoming more and more entrenched, references to Islam frequently 
instrumentalized,
and public opinion is often muzzled or blindly passionate (to such a point as to
accept, indeed even to call for, the most repressive interpretations and least 
just
application of the "Islamic shari'a" and hudud). 

In terms of the more circumscribed religious question, we can observe a crisis 
of
authority accompanied by an absence of internal debate among the ulama' in the
diverse schools of thought and within Muslim societies. It becomes apparent 
that a
variety of opinions, accepted in Islam, are whirling today within a chaotic
framework leading to the coexistence of disparate and contradictory Islamic 
legal
opinions each claiming to have more "Islamic character" than the other. 

Faced with this legal chaos, the ordinary Muslim public is more appeased by "an
appearance of fidelity", then it is persuaded by opinions based on real 
knowledge
and understanding of the governing Islamic principles and rules (ahkam). 

Let us look at the reality, as it exists. There is a today a quadruple crisis of
closed and repressive political systems, religious authorities upholding
contradictory juristic positions and unknowledgeable populations swept up in
remaining faithful to the teachings of Islam through religious fervor than 
through
true reflection. The crisis cannot legitimize our silence. We are accomplices 
and
guilty when women and men are punished, stoned or executed in the name of a 
formal
application of the scriptural sources. 

It leaves the responsibility to the Muslims of the entire world. It is for them 
to
rise to the challenge of remaining faithful to the message of Islam in the
contemporary era; it is for them to denounce the failures and the betrayals 
being
carried out by whatever authorities or any Muslim individual. A prophetic 
tradition
reports: "Support your brother, whether he be unjust or victim of an 
injustice." One
of the Companions asked: "Messenger of God, I understand how to support someone 
that
is a victim of injustice, but how can I support him who is unjust?" The Prophet
(peace be upon him) responded: "Prevent him from being unjust, that is you 
support
to him."[4]

It thus becomes the responsibility of each ‘alim (scholar), of each conscience,
every woman and man, wherever they may be to speak up. Western Muslims either 
hide
behind the argument that they are exempt from the application of the shari'a or
hudud since they are "in a minority position"[5]. Their avoidance of the 
questions
leaves a heavy and troubling silence. Or they express condemnation from afar 
without
attempting to change the situation and influence the mentalities. These Muslim 
women
and men who live in spaces of political freedom, who have access to education 
and
knowledge, shoulder - in the very name of the Islamic teachings - have a major
responsibility to attempt to reform the situation, open a relevant debate, 
condemn
and put a end to injustices perpetrated in their name. 

A call, some questions: 

Taking into account all these considerations, we launch today a call for an
immediate international moratorium on corporal punishment, stoning and the death
penalty in all Muslim majority countries. Considering that the opinions of most
scholars, regarding the comprehension of the texts and the application of 
hudud, are
neither explicit nor unanimous (indeed there is not even a clear majority), and
bearing in mind that political systems and the state of the majority Muslim
societies do not guarantee a just and equal treatment of individuals before the 
law,
it is our moral obligation and religious responsibility to demand for the 
immediate
suspension of the application of the hudud which is inaccurately accepted as an
application of "Islamic shari'a". 

This call doubles itself with a series of basic questions addressed to the body 
of
Islamic religious authorities of the world, whatever their tradition (sunni or
shi'i), their school of thought (hanafi, maliki, ja'fari, etc.) or their 
tendencies
(literalist, salafi, reformist, etc.) :

What are the texts (and what is their respective degrees of recognized
authenticity), that make reference to corporal punishment, stoning and to the 
death
penalty in the corpus of the Islamic scriptural sources circumscribed to what 
the
specialists call the hudud? Where are the margins of possible interpretations 
and on
which points are there clear divergences (al ikhtilaf) in the history of the 
Islamic
law and in the contemporary era? 

What are the conditions (shurut) stipulated for each of the penalties by the 
sources
themselves, the consensus of the scholars (al ijma') or by individual scholars
through Islamic law history and jurisprudence (fiqh)? Where are the divergences 
on
the stipulations and what "extenuating circumstances" were sometimes elaborated 
by
religious authorities throughout history or within the different schools of 
thought?


The socio-political context (al waqi') was always considered by the ulama' as 
one of
the conditions needed for the application of hudud. The importance of this 
question
is such that it demands special treatment (and participation within the debate 
from
intellectuals, notably those who are specialized in the social sciences). In 
which
context today is it possible to apply hudud? What would be the required 
conditions
in terms of political systems and the application of the general legislation:
freedom of expression, equality before the law, public education, eradication of
poverty and social exclusion? Which are, in this domain, the areas of divergence
between the legal schools and the ulama' and on what are these disagreements 
based? 

Studying these questions are meant to clarify the terms of the debate with 
regards
to the interpretative latitudes offered by the texts, while simultaneously 
taking
into account the determining state of contemporary societies and their 
evolution.
This intra-community reflection requires from the start a double understanding 
of
the texts and contexts, in keeping solemnly with the objectives of the Islamic
message. On the whole, this must allow us to respond to the questions of what is
applicable (and according to which methods) and what is no longer applicable
(considering the required conditions are impossible to reestablish as well as 
the
fact that societal evolution is clearly moving away from the required ideal). 

This undertaking requires, from within, rigour, time and establishing spaces of
dialogue and debate, nationally and internationally, between the ulama', Muslim
intellectuals and inside the Muslim communities since this matter is not only 
about
a relationship to the texts, but equally, to the context. In the interval, 
there can
be no justification for applying penalties that sanction legal approximations 
and
injustices such as is the case today[6]. A moratorium would impose and allow a 
basic
debate to unfold in serenity, without using it as an excuse to manipulate 
Islam. All
injustices made legal in the name of Islam must stop immediately. 

Between the letter and objectives: fidelity 

Some will understand this call as an instigation to disrespect the scriptural
sources of Islam, thinking that to ask for a moratorium goes against the 
explicit
texts of the Qu`ran and Sunna. Precisely the opposite is true: all the legal 
texts
demand to be read in light of the objective intended to justify them 
(Al-maqasid).
Foremost among these objectives, we find stipulated that the protection of the
integrity of the person (an- nafs) and the promotion of justice (al-'adl) are
primordial. Therefore, a literal and non-contextualized application of hudud, 
with
no regard for strict and numerous stipulated conditions, and one which would 
present
itself as being faithful to the teachings of Islam, is in fact a betrayal if
according to the context, for it produces an injustice. 

The caliph ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab established a moratorium towards thieves when he
suspended the application of the punishment during a famine. Despite the 
Qur'anic
text beingvery explicit on this, the state of the society meant it would have 
been
an unjust literal application: they would have castigated poor people whose
potential theft would have been for the sole purpose of surviving in a state of
absolute poverty. Therefore, in the name of absolute justice demanded by the 
global
message of Islam, ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab decided to suspend the application of a 
text:
keeping with the literalist interpretation would have meant disloyalty and 
betrayal
of the superior value of Islam that is justice. It is in the name of Islam and 
in
the understanding of texts that he suspended the application of one of these
injunctions. The moratorium finds here a precedent of the utmost importance. 

Reflection and necessary reform within Muslim majority societies will not occur 
but
from within. It is for Muslims to take up their responsibilities and set in 
motion a
debate that opensan intra-community dialogue, while refusing the continued
legalizedinjusticesin the name of Islam, i.e. in their name. An endogenous 
dynamic
is imperative 

This does not mean that the questions put forward by non-Muslim intellectuals or
citizens should be dismissed. On the contrary, all parties must learn to 
decentre
themselves and move towards listening to the other, to the other's points of
reference, logic and their aspiration. For Muslims, all queries, from their
co-religionists or women and men who do share their religious conviction, are
welcome. It is for us to make use of these questions as a spark of dynamism to 
our
thoughts. This is how we can remain faithful to the justice demanded by Islam 
while
taking into account also the demands of the contemporary era. 

Conclusion 

This call for an immediate moratorium on corporal punishment, stoning and the 
death
penalty is demanding on many fronts. We are defining it as a call to 
consciousness
of each individual so that she/he realizes that Islam is being used to degrade 
and
subjugate women and men in certain Muslim majority societies in the midst of
collusive silence and chaotic judicial opinions on the ground. This realization
implies:

- A mobilization of ordinary Muslims throughout the world to call on their
governments to place an immediate moratorium on the application of hudud and 
for the
opening of a vast intra-community debate (critical, reasonable and reasoned) 
between
the ulama, the intellectuals, the leaders and the general population.

- Taking the ulama to account so that they at last dare to report the 
injustices and
instrumentalization of Islam in the field of hudud and, in the name of fidelity 
to
the Islamic texts, to put out a call for an immediate moratorium emulating the
example of ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab.

- Promoting education of Muslim populations so that they go beyond the mirage 
of the
formalism and appearances. The application of the repressive interpretations,
measures and punishment does not make a society more faithful to the Islamic
teachings. It is more the capacity to promote social justice and the protection 
the
integrity of every individual, woman or man, rich or poor, that determines a 
truly
authentic fidelity. The priority, according to the norms of Islam, is given to 
the
protection of rights not to administering punishments which are meant to be
implemented under strict and conditioned exceptions.

- This movement for reform from within, by the Muslims and in the name of the
message and reference texts of Islam, should never neglect listening to the
surrounding world as well as to the inquiries that Islam raises in non-Muslim 
minds.
Not to concede to responses from "the other", from "the West", but, in order to
remain, in its mirror, more constructively faithful to oneself. 

We urge all of those that take heed to this call to join us and make their 
voices
heard for the immediate suspension of the application of hudud in the Muslim 
world
so that a real debate establishes itself on the question. We say that in the 
name of
Islam, of its texts and of the message of justice, we can no longer accept that
women and men undergo punishment and death while we remain utterly silent, as
accomplices, through a process which is ultimately cowardly. 

It is urgent that Muslim throughout the world refuse the formalist 
legitimization of
the teachings of their religion and reconcile themselves with the deep message 
that
invites towards spirituality, demands education, justice and the respect of
pluralism. Societies will never reform themselves by repressive measures and
punishment but more so by the engagement of each to establish civil society and 
the
respect of popular will as well as a just legislation guaranteeing the equality 
of
women and men, poor and rich before the law. It is urgent to set in motion a
democratization movement that moves populations from the obsession of what the 
law
is sanctioning to the claim of what it should protect: their conscience, their
integrity, their liberty and their rights. 


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

[1] A concept which literally means "limits". In the specialized language of 
Muslim
jurists, (fuqaha'), this term is inclusive of the punishment which is revealed 
in
the application of the Islamic Penal code. Shari'a, literally ‘the way to the
source" and a path to faithfulness, is a corpus of Islamic jurisprudence the
in-depth definition of which is beyond the scope of this paper. Shari'a has 
sadly
been reduced to legalistic formulae of a penal code in the minds of many, 
Muslims
and non-Muslim alike 

[2] Prophetic tradition: texts which report what the Prophet of Islam (peace be 
upon
him) did, said or approved of during his lifetime. 

[3] In Muslim countries, laws that we see as being " borrowed from the west " 
are
often interpreted as tools by dictatorial governments to mislead and legitimize
their autocratic character, and more importantly, to promote a westernized 
culture
and morals. 

[4] Hadith reported by al-Bukhari and Muslim.

[5] The argument is weak and dangerous as it tacitly accepts the application of
hudud within today's societal context as " Islamic "

[6] If ever in doubt, all circumstances require the benefit of the doubt 
towards the
accused according to a legal universal principle (acknowledged from the start 
by the
tradition of Islamic jurisprudence)

Source: Tariq Ramadan




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