Two articles: British Conservative Party (Tory) leader David Cameron writes his
opinion on recent Britishness issues, including issues on British-Muslims. I
have added Editorial comment from the Observer at the end of this article.
Whether you are British or not, what is your say?
- Arif Bhuiyan , UK
- Read (or listen) Koran - The Last Testament.
- Return
1.
No one will be left behind in a Tory Britain
By vigorously promoting equal opportunity and fairness, we will make this a
better country for all
David Cameron
Sunday January 28, 2007
The Observer
The subject of community cohesion, for understandable reasons, has become
prominent in our national conversation over the past few years. But it is a
challenge we have faced before: the question of how we live together is as old
as humanity itself. Throughout history, there have been periods when Britain
has not been entirely comfortable with itself or individual communities within
it.
Who would now question the contribution made by Jewish people to British
society - or even talk about there being a conflict between being British and
Jewish? And yet, only 50 years ago, this was exactly the debate going on in
both the Jewish and non-Jewish communities. More recently, Britain's Irish
community was questioning and being questioned about its loyalty to Britain.
Each time, over time, we have kept our country together by having faith in our
institutions and our way of doing things: freedom under the rule of law, a
common culture defined by pluralism and tolerance and a distinctively British
approach (calm, thoughtful, reasonable) to potentially incendiary issues. The
challenge today may have its own specific characteristics, but our approach
should be the same. In that context, I am concerned by the direction that the
debate on cohesion has taken recently. I believe it is time for a more British
approach.
First, we must not fall for the illusion that the problems of community
cohesion can be solved simply through top-down, quick-fix state action. State
action is certainly necessary today, but it is not sufficient. Second, it must
be the right kind of action, expressed in a calm, thoughtful and reasonable
way.
The doctrine of multiculturalism has undermined our nation's sense of cohesion
because it emphasises what divides us rather than what brings us together. It
has been manipulated to entrench the right to difference (a divisive concept)
at the expense of the right to equal treatment despite difference (a unifying
concept). But in seeking to atone for those mistakes, we should not lurch, with
the zeal of the convert, into a simplistic promotion of 'Britishness' that is
neither in keeping with our traditions, nor likely to bring our communities
closer together.
Yes, we need to ensure that every one of our citizens can speak to each other
in our national language. Yes, we need to ensure that our children are taught
British history properly. And I do think it is important to create more
opportunities for celebrating our sense of nationhood. Unlike Labour, we will
set out a clear and consistent path to ensure these things actually happen,
starting with our policy review which will make specific recommendations this
week.
But I think we need to go much deeper than this if we are to address the
substantial alienation and division that exist in our country today. It's no
use behaving like the proverbial English tourist abroad, shouting ever more
loudly at the hapless foreigner who doesn't understand what is being said. We
can't bully people into feeling British - we have to inspire them.
A number of the interventions we have seen from ministers recently have
spectacularly failed to do that. Instructing Muslim parents to spy on their
children. Offending our war heroes with the proposal of a new 'Veteran's Day'
when we already have Remembrance Sunday. Suggesting that we put flags on the
lawn. These and similar clunking attempts to address the complexities of
community cohesion show a serious misunderstanding of the scale of the
challenge, and the shape of the solution. Above all, we have seen a dangerous
muddling of concerns: community cohesion, the threat of terrorism and the
integration of British Muslims.
Promoting community cohesion should indeed be part of our response to
terrorism. But cohesion is not just about terrorism and it is certainly not
just about Muslims. Similarly, promoting integration will help protect our
security. But too mechanistic a connection between these objectives will make
it harder to achieve both, by giving the impression that the state considers
all Muslims to be a security risk.
This week's report from our policy review, the product of months of dialogue
with Britain's diverse communities, will seek to disentangle these threads and
point a clear and responsible way forward. There will be no shying away from
the tough issues: the influence of those who twist faith into ideology; the
cultural attitudes that exclude women from mainstream society; the impact of
foreign policy on domestic affairs; and, vitally, the divisive effects of the
catastrophic failure of state education in many parts of urban Britain.
I want the Conservative party to stand for a broad and generous vision of
British identity. In a speech in Birmingham tomorrow, I will argue that
questions of social cohesion are also questions of social justice and social
inclusion. Cohesion is as much about rich and poor, included and left behind as
it is about English and Scot or Muslim and Christian. Inspiring as well as
demanding loyalty from every citizen will require a new crusade for fairness. A
society that consistently denies some of its people the chance to escape
poverty, to get on in life, to fulfil their dreams and to feel that their
contribution is part of a national effort: such a society will struggle to
inspire loyalty, however many citizenship classes it provides.
Fairness will be our most powerful weapon against fragmentation. In America,
new immigrants feel part of something from the moment they arrive because they
feel they have the opportunity to succeed. It is that belief in equal
opportunity that we need in Britain today and it is why the denial of quality
education to so many is such a vital part of the cohesion argument.
There is no easy short cut. Having tried to impose democracy in Iraq at the
point of a gun, we must surely realise that we will never impose cohesion at
home with the ping of a press release. There are serious divisions in our
country today. Many thousands - maybe millions - feel shut out, under attack.
Turning the situation around will require patience. We must be calm, thoughtful
and reasonable: that is the British way.
Building cohesion is a social responsibility. Government must enforce the rules
of the road - speaking English, teaching history, upholding and celebrating the
symbols of nationhood - and we will be absolutely clear about what needs to be
done. If the government brings forward these measures, they will have our full
support.
But this is about much more than government and politics. We must each do all
we can to make this a fairer and more just society - helping others, creating
opportunity and ensuring that no one is excluded from it.
2.
Inclusive Cameron sets a welcome benchmark
Leader
Sunday January 28, 2007
The Observer
Any community subjected to the sort of public scrutiny that has been brought to
bear on British Muslims in recent years would feel defensive. Their customs and
beliefs are analysed, their habits are judged against ill-defined notions of
'Britishness'.
Often, devout Muslims are compared not with other conservative groups -
ultra-orthodox Jews or evangelical Christians, for example - but to the liberal
values of the Enlightenment, which had anti-clericalism as one of its central
pillars. Not surprisingly, they are found wanting, as if it is not enough for
Muslims to obey the law, but that they should also study Voltaire.
The reason Muslim illiberalism is scrutinised more than that of other faiths is
that terrorist acts have recently been committed in Britain in the name of
Islam. That is why a cultural and historical debate about what it means to be
British, once the province of academics, has become a favourite theme for
politicians.
Writing in today's Observer, David Cameron enters that fray. This week, he
announces the results of his party's policy review on social cohesion. Measured
against the many forays into the subject from the right, Mr Cameron's tone is
not hysterical. Compared with the government's approach, it is not activist in
its view of the state's role in promoting integration. Mr Cameron recognises
that the exclusion of many Muslims, and, indeed, non-Muslims from mainstream
society is a problem, but one that is best seen as a subset of wider issues of
poverty and lack of social mobility. For that reason, there is not much sense
ordering the excluded to 'integrate'. We should, rather, have confidence that
social cohesion will flow naturally from fair access to good education and more
equitable distribution of prosperity.
This is hardly revolutionary thinking. But it does mark a welcome alternative
to the view that young Muslims should be urgently inculcated with 'Britishness'
in the interests of national security. It is also a departure from the Tory
habit of waving the flag and waiting impatiently for immigrants to rally to it.
But Conservative members have already shown a reactionary queasiness about
their leader's new direction on other issues. It would be shame if they cannot
embrace a tolerant message on social cohesion. It is the right one.
End
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