War of words
  
  
  
  Once again, scary literature has been found at Islamic bookstores and 
mosques. If Muslims continue to be careless about the books they sell, those 
books will continue to be exploited against us.
  
  
  
  By Zahed Amanullah, November 8, 2007
  
                    ...and the men who love them

  Trying to divine the exact path to extremism that Muslims may follow – paths 
that may or may not lead to terrorism – is like trying to follow the path of 
water from the clouds to the ocean. We know where some terrorists came from and 
where they ended up. But that's about it. 

A recent miniseries on British television, Britz, highlighted shadowy groups 
operating on university campuses. Extremist imams such as Abu Hamza al Masri 
have been tabloid fodder for years, though many have been detained or deported. 
The Internet is often cited, as Britain's Community Secretary Hazel Blears did 
this week (though without specifics). But, as MI5 chief Jonathan Evans also 
pointed out recently, the number of Muslims under surveillance has increased to 
over 2,000. Something is sticking, but what?

That something is the written word, books and pamphlets that can often subvert 
cyber-monitoring and public debate in a tangible way. A recent study by the 
right wing Policy Exchange think tank alleges that books containing extremist 
statements were found in about 25% of British mosques, including two of its 
most high profile ones, the East London Mosque and the London Central Mosque in 
Regent's Park . 

It's not the first time such allegations have been made. Earlier findings of 
literature have focused on material stumbled upon in dark corners of 
independent shops in quiet neighbourhoods, or the pamphlets accompanying 
firebrand preachers on their roaming tours. In this case, however, the claims 
are more specific and more damning in their inference. This time, mosques, 
stores, authors, and publishers are outlined in detail, with much of it 
stemming from a prolific and well-financed Saudi Arabian connections.

Independent Muslim analysts have noted that the Saudi influence may be 
overstated, with a spiritually low profile kept since the Saudi origins of 
September 11th were pointed out. Spiritual motivations have since been 
superseded by political ones, particularly over the Iraq war. And the 
irrational scrutiny from groups like Policy Exchange, the British government 
and police services do smack of a witch hunt, ensnaring – as many American 
domestic initiatives have – many peaceable Muslims and mosques who would have 
otherwise agreed with the concerns.

But advocacy groups such as the Muslim Council of Britain have focused 
attention on other aspects that don't settle as well. Representatives have 
claimed a legal right to sell such material if it is not against the law 
(Policy Exchange says that some cases may be forthcoming). They note that many 
of the bookstores, although within mosque grounds, are independently run and 
impossible to monitor. As for the words themselves, they may be acknowledged as 
offensive on personal levels or merely for historical interest. But this 
offence is otherwise dismissed. Even the most comprehensive critiques of the 
report don't explain them, which is what a now curious public (Muslims 
included) wants. 

This legalistic approach to the controversy, while technically correct, brings 
its own contradictions. During the Danish cartoon crisis, the common refrain 
from Muslims in the West was less legalistic than moralistic. That is, while it 
may be legally permissible to publish material offensive to Muslims (though to 
many, even this was debatable), the plea for respect was based on moral grounds 
– that sincere Muslims deserved protection from gratuitous offence. Without the 
extreme response to the cartoons by a minority of Muslims around the world, 
this approach may have borne some fruit.

But by adopting a legalistic response to a crisis that is easily seen as a 
mirror of the Danish one, a case can be made for employing double standards. 
Muslims should have seen this coming. A resistance to addressing shortcomings 
pointed out by those hostile to us is understandable. It is also immature and 
short sighted. Regardless of the source, the words and books are out there. 
Merely pointing out agendas won't win the argument.

Do British Muslims agree with the alleged pronouncements on apostasy, women, 
jihad, and non-Muslims? What are the parameters of morality on key issues as 
British Muslims see it – and what is beyond the pale? Couldn't a "best 
practice" guide for mosque publications be developed - even if not enforceable 
- to represent a moral consensus? Facilitating public discussions and clear 
answers to these (and to questions not yet asked) should not be an onerous task 
for any umbrella organisation worthy of the name.

Without an effective response to an issue that will undoubtedly resurface, the 
debate will continue to be seen by silent (and peaceful) majorities on both 
sides as more political grandstanding. Ultimately, Muslims will have to 
determine their own moral framework for Islamic issues – whether in books, 
mosques, or in their own culture – before defending them on legal grounds. And 
before other groups hostile to Muslims exploit the absence of this for 
political reasons, Muslims should fill the vacuum for the benefit of their 
communities and religion.

Making sense of the myriad paths to extremism may continue to remain difficult 
for Muslims or anyone else. But effectively ruling out the ones we can identify 
- while marginalising our critics in the process - shouldn't be.

  Zahed Amanullah is associate editor of altmuslim.com. He is based in London, 
England


saiyed shahbazi
  www.shahbazcenter.org

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